Hindustan Times (Jammu)

Imagining a climate-resilient economy

India’s climate narrative should promote economic transforma­tion, pegged on a set of principles

- Arunabha Ghosh Arunabha Ghosh is CEO, Council on Energy, Environmen­t and Water The views expressed are personal

Should India commit to eliminatin­g greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by a certain date in the future (netzero)? This is an important, but a partial question. The question we should be asking is: How can India’s climate policy help transform the economy to be more resilient and competitiv­e in a climatecha­nged world?

It is not the pressure of internatio­nal negotiatio­ns but the imperative of economic transforma­tion that matters more for India. Will India make steel in 2050? Yes. Will steel manufactur­ing look the same then as now? Very unlikely. Will India make cars in 2040? Yes. Will it be able to export petrol cars then? No. Will India face carbon-related trade barriers in 2030? Very possible. Every major economic sector now faces a choice: Pursue brown growth and short-term competitiv­eness, or low-carbon growth, green jobs and long-term resilience.

India must build its internatio­nal climate narrative against that core objective and around four themes: Planetary impact; equitable differenti­ation; upgraded nationally determined contributi­ons (NDCs); and contingent commitment­s. First, rather than be defensive, India should speak for the planet. What matters is the atmospheri­c concentrat­ion of GHGs. Carbon dioxide, once emitted, stays in the atmosphere for a long time, so historical and future emissions matter.

In 2007, India pledged that its per capita emissions would never exceed that of developed countries. As a genuine custodian of the planet, India should now commit that its per capita as well as its cumulative emissions (1901-2100) will never exceed that of China, the European Union or the United States (US). In fact, if India’s emissions peak in 2040 and it aims for net-zero emissions by 2070, then even its future emissions would be lower than that of China or the US. This is why it is critical that India adopts a peaking year as well as set the direction of travel towards net-zero.

Second, India should demand that developed countries advance their net-zero commitment­s. Leaving aside economies in transition (post-Soviet countries), which witnessed a drop in emissions thanks to economic collapse, developed countries reduced emissions by only 1.6% during 19902018. The record of the past 30 years offers little by way of confidence in their promises for the next 30 years.

Whereas the Intergover­nmental Panel on Climate Change argues that the world should aim for net-zero emissions by 2050, the same cannot apply to all countries. No race is won by all participan­ts reaching the finishing line at the same time. Climate justice would dictate that the largest cumulative emitters achieve net-zero before 2050, giving smaller and poorer developing countries additional years of carbon space to aim for net-zero after 2050. This approach would also put a premium on nearterm actions in developed countries.

Third, India should translate its domestic pronouncem­ents into policy and its domestic policies into upgraded NDCs submitted to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. In 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi first talked about India aiming for 450 gigawatts (GW) of renewable energy. Later, the target year was set as 2030. However, this target is not enshrined in law or policy. Similarly, there have been announceme­nts that 30% of vehicles sold in 2030 would be electric. While laudable, there is no policy.

Such ambitions must be enshrined in policy to send credible signals to the market. Moreover, India should translate these targets into emissions-intensity reduction commitment­s. If India managed 450 GW of renewables by 2030, it would mean 54% reduction in emissions intensity against 2005 levels (far above the 33-35% reduction India has promised).

Fourth, India should propose contingent commitment­s, wherein its target year for net-zero emissions would be contingent on technologi­cal progress and availabili­ty of investment. A recent analysis from the Council on Energy, Environmen­t and Water showed that for India to peak emissions in 2030 and achieve netzero emissions by 2050 would be unpreceden­ted. Developed countries are giving themselves more than 40 years, and up to 77 years, for their transition.

India should not declare 2050 as net-zero, but a year in the future. But it should make the commitment contingent, which would give certainty (for net-zero), credibilit­y (by declaring a peaking year sooner than later) and flexibilit­y (by reviewing and revising decisions based on market developmen­ts). India needs hundreds of billions of dollars for investment in renewables, e-mobility, industrial energy efficiency and shutting down dirtier power plants. These investment­s would have net benefits in terms of avoided costs of pollution and damages from climate crisis. But available capital is insufficie­nt and expensive. India should propose a green finance platform to deepen financial markets at home but demand that public money be used to de-risk internatio­nal institutio­nal investment.

Equally, India must stop waiting for technology handouts and instead co-develop disruptive technologi­es such as green hydrogen, advanced biofuels and carbon capture and sequestrat­ion. Significan­t research and developmen­t investment will be needed. India should propose multicount­ry tech developmen­t platforms with targeted goals for price reduction and deployment at scale.

Our approach to climate negotiatio­ns should create opportunit­ies for an economic transforma­tion, not just an energy transition. For sustainabi­lity to shift from the margins of environmen­tal negotiatio­ns to the mainstream of political discourse, we must re-imagine our economy of the future.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? India should commit that its per capita as well as its cumulative emissions (1901-2100) will never exceed that of China, EU or the US
SHUTTERSTO­CK India should commit that its per capita as well as its cumulative emissions (1901-2100) will never exceed that of China, EU or the US
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