The Modi, Xi convergence
Both leaders are said to be part of a new wave of nationalistic, assertive Asian leaders
NEW DELHI: Indian officials have spoken of the “unprecedented chemistry” shown between Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping over the past three days. While it is questionable how much emotional connect world leaders can afford, the Indian and Chinese leaders have points of convergence.
Modi and Xi are said to be part of a new wave of nationalistic, assertive Asian leaders that includes Japan’s Shinzo Abe and Indonesia’s Jokowi. All of them profess to do more than just rule, they have technicolour visions of national revival.
Xi combines his Chinese Dream brand with the phrase “the great revival of the Chinese nation.” Modi is more modest but Swaach Bharat and the Gujarat model are part of a larger nationbuilding canvas.
Modi and Xi are strikingly similar in their personal styles too. They have imposed highly-centralised decision-making systems in their countries, isolating or wiping out sources of opposition within their own parties.
Centralisation is not uncommon among leaders who have wide-ranging and radical economic agendas. And both clearly want to end business as usual in their countries. Unsurprisingly, Singapore is a model of emulation for the two of them.
The other side of this is the cultivation of a populist image. If Modi speaks of his tea-selling childhood, Xi speaks of the rural hardship he suffered during the Cultural Revolution.
It also goes with a wariness of the press. Modi privately rails against the “elite media” – even while monitoring what it says about him. Xi has imposed some of the tightest media controls on China in decades. Notably, both maintain a personal tab on government internet policies.
Yet there are key differences: Modi has pushed for an internet free to political dissent while Xi’s China is bereft of Google and Facebook.
But for all their public bonhomie, Modi and Xi are known for their personal aloofness. Says China expert Francois Godement of the European Council for Foreign Relations, “Xi looks and acts like a big bear, smiling and hugging everyone, but he is a loner who doesn’t like a status of equality with others.” Modi has made a political asset of his lack of family and monastic ways. While he privately rates Japan’s Abe as his closest international friend, Xi, argues Godement, “doesn’t have a personal bond with any foreign leader.”
Ultimately, a world leader is close to those who can help him with his or her political agenda. “China’s previous experience with Modi as Gujarat chief minister convinced the Chinese he is a person they can do business with,” says Hoo Tiang Boon of Singapore’s S Rajaratnam School.
If Modi is “Namo” in India, Xi is referred to as “Xi Dada” even by official Chinese media. But these nicknames are created to hide their hard-nosed political instincts. Their personal chemistry will only go as far as their national interests let them. For now, notes Hoo Tiang Boon, “The Chinese state media says favourable things about Modi.” However, statecraft is not entertainment. In any case, Xi’s favourite movies are the cold-blooded Godfather series while Modi doesn’t watch any.