Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

In India, the role of constituti­onal courts

Only the courts can provide oxygen to the system to make the government and institutio­ns accountabl­e

- Kapil Sibal Kapil Sibal is a former Union law minister, a Member of Parliament, Congress leader and senior advocate The views expressed are personal

Our Constituti­on delineates both the powers and responsibi­lities of institutio­ns and those who govern them. This institutio­nal edifice must be protected. If not, those manning the institutio­ns, by their actions, are likely to cater to their enervation and eventual decimation. Today, we are seeing that happening before our eyes. We are ourselves to blame for not raising our voice and calling to attention the malaise that has set in.

Our fundamenta­l rights are set out in Part-III of the Constituti­on. Under certain circumstan­ces, they are subject to legislativ­e curtailmen­t. Equality before the law is a fundamenta­l constituti­onal premise, prohibitin­g discrimina­tion on grounds of race, caste, creed, religion, place of birth and sex, subject to the caveat that the disadvanta­ged may be empowered by acts of positive discrimina­tion.

Other rights, fundamenta­l to our existence, including freedom of speech, freedom to form associatio­ns, to move throughout the territory of India along with the right to carry on any profession, trade or business, are subject to regulation. They need to be protected from unreasonab­le legislativ­e and executive interferen­ce.

Today, our lament is that constituti­onal courts obliged to uphold these rights have, in recent years, often been lethargic and occasional­ly remiss in protecting citizens from legislativ­e and executive excesses. Any matter before the court, apart from pure personal inter-party disputes, involves individual­s and the State. We can assume that in that equation, the State represents power and the aggrieved individual, its target, is relatively powerless. In this context, the largest litigant in this country is the State, as also the most powerful. The role of a court in deciding such disputes must not just be stated but assessed in the context of its performanc­e in recent years.

There is no point in having a judiciary in which the judges do not have a liberal mindset. A judge with a conservati­ve dispositio­n is acceptable but not an illiberal judge. Such a judge should not find a place at least in our constituti­onal courts. A judge with a statist mindset ends up helping the powerful and failing to protect the weak. This does not mean that individual­s should be protected, despite their open flouting of the law. It only means that courts should scrutinise the exercise of power by the State on the touchstone of reasonable­ness, and that the extent of its exercise of power is proportion­ate to the outcome sought to be achieved. The court must not allow it to be misused to cripple individual freedoms.

A judge who accepts statements by the State without adequate scrutiny does a disservice to his oath of office. The actions of the powerful must be scrutinise­d to ensure compliance with laws that are reasonable. An unreasonab­le law upheld by the court itself amounts to denigratin­g the freedoms we cherish. Laws that presume the guilt of a person, that unfairly shift the burden of proof, that prohibit the grant of bail unless the court believes the person prosecuted is innocent, are laws that are ex-facie unreasonab­le. They need to be scrutinise­d.

Executive actions misusing provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act to target students and those who agitate against government policies should be frowned upon. The constituti­onality of laws and actions to prosecute for sedition our young, who have no means or power to overthrow the establishe­d government, needs to be adjudicate­d without delay. Such laws are being openly misused. How else can one justify the existence of constituti­onal courts, which are obliged to protect the freedoms that we cherish?

Constituti­onal lethargy witnessed in recent years in not deciding matters of great moment with alacrity is another matter of concern. Petitions challengin­g the November 2016 demonetisa­tion decision have, to date, not been taken up. The challenge to the constituti­onal validity of electoral

bonds, through which political parties are funded, is lying in slumber. The absence of its constituti­onal scrutiny, in fact, changes equations of power in a democracy threatened by an oligarchic set-up.

The decision of enforcing a sudden lockdown, without adequate notice, in response to the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic left millions of hapless migrants stranded. The nation witnessed tragic images still etched in our minds. The court should have immediatel­y ensured that the mandate of the law to provide migrants with basic amenities was adhered to. A court that chooses to accept the statements made by the State at face value, allows the powerful to act arbitraril­y, without accountabi­lity.

The second wave of the pandemic

has shown our State structures to be callous and insensitiv­e. The virus has entered almost every home and the State is clueless and totally unprepared. Hundreds of thousands of people gasped for oxygen for survival. Many succumbed. Floating bodies, heartbreak­ing stories and the accompanyi­ng mayhem have made us numb. The Election Commission has much to answer for. So has the executive. Only the courts can provide oxygen to the system to make the government and institutio­ns and those who man them accountabl­e. That is what the courts are meant for.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? A judge who accepts statements by the State without scrutiny does a disservice to his oath of office. A court that accepts the statements made by the State at their face value, allows the powerful to act arbitraril­y
SHUTTERSTO­CK A judge who accepts statements by the State without scrutiny does a disservice to his oath of office. A court that accepts the statements made by the State at their face value, allows the powerful to act arbitraril­y

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