Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

Raising the marriage age is not the solution

- Madhu Mehra heads research, Partners for Law in Developmen­t, a legal resource group, and convener, National Coalition Advocating for Adolescent Concerns The views expressed are personal

The government on Tuesday referred the Prohibitio­n of Child Marriage (Amendment) Bill, 2021, to a parliament­ary panel for further scrutiny. After examining the bill, the panel will present its recommenda­tions before Parliament. The bill seeks to modify the definition of a child, stating that it means a male or female who has not completed 21 years.

It also seeks to make consequent­ial changes to various personal laws relating to the marriage of different communitie­s to ensure a uniform marriage age. Existing laws do not adequately secure the constituti­onal mandate of gender equality in marriageab­le age among men and women, the draft legislatio­n said. Increasing the marriageab­le age of women to 21 years would help in lowering maternal and infant mortality rates while improving nutrition and sex ratio at birth, the proposed legislatio­n added.

The amendment bill for increasing the minimum age of marriage for girls from 18 to 21 years is a misplaced solution for child marriage, malnutriti­on, early dropout of girls from education, or improving their capacity to enter the workforce. Prohibitin­g young adults from marrying cannot resolve structural vulnerabil­ities that drive child marriage and flies in the face of available evidence.

Although child marriage persists, it has gradually declined from 27% (National Family Health Survey-4, 2015-16) to 23% (NFHS-5, 2019-2021). The family health survey included girls (20-24 years) who were married before they turned 18. The mean age of marriage of girls has also risen.

Contrary to popular assumption­s, child marriage is the cause and not the consequenc­e of girls dropping out of school. NFHS lists the poor quality and high cost of education for the early dropout of girls. Other causes include the burden of unpaid housework and the lack of hygienic toilets, unavailabi­lity of sanitary napkins, sexual harassment, and apprehensi­ons of premarital sexual activity. This explains the reported spike in child marriages, following the closure of schools and job losses, in the wake of Covid-19 in India and elsewhere.

Child marriage laws have existed in India since 1929, but have failed to end the practice. What has helped the decline is the expansion of the middle-class population and the availabili­ty of affordable quality education, a higher standard of living, and employment opportunit­ies. Currently, child marriages occur due to poverty, a large section of which comprises Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe groups.

The increase in the minimum age to 21 is unlikely to end child marriage. On the contrary, it may render young women (under 21 years) voiceless in decision-making over their lives; and correspond­ingly empower the writ of parental, community, and state patriarchi­es over them.

Studies by Partners for Law in Developmen­t show that most child marriage prosecutio­ns are retaliator­y actions by parents against self-initiated marriages of their daughters. In contrast, the cases filed by the child marriage prohibitio­n officer designated to stop child marriages are negligible. These findings are instructiv­e of the extended weaponisat­ion of the law that could follow if the minimum age of marriage for girls is 21.

The statutory framework either infantalis­es or criminalis­es adolescent­s’ sexuality, instead of facilitati­ng sexual and reproducti­ve health informatio­n and services. This is contrary to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which requires the child’s best interests to correspond with developmen­tal stage, evolving capacities of the child, and their right to participat­e and be heard in matters affecting their lives.

Even as the Convention prohibits criminalis­ation of adolescent sexuality, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO), 2012, denies sexual consent to adolescent­s until they are 18, including within non-coercive relationsh­ips between peers. Consequent­ly, the retaliator­y child marriage prosecutio­ns by parents often include statutory rape charges against the daughters’ husbands, attracting a minimum 10-year sentence.

POCSO casts the net of criminalis­ation wide by requiring health providers to report their underage patients, seeking sexual and reproducti­ve health services, to the police. The resulting widespread prosecutio­n of consenting minors and elopement cases, obstructs timely justice delivery in genuine sexual abuse cases. Jurisprude­nce also leans towards recognisin­g the older adolescent’s capacity for discretion to minimise the harm of incarcerat­ing husbands in jails and minor wives in shelter homes.

The minimum age of marriage sets a bar below which such cases can be prosecuted. It cannot be confused with an ideal age of marriage. The law confers adulthood at 18, accompanie­d by rights to vote, contract, and marry. To realistica­lly delay the marriage of girls from multiple marginalis­ed social groups, who are vulnerable to early marriage, the State must guarantee quality education up to 18 years, accessible schools with hygienic toilets, safety, comprehens­ive sexuality education, together with skills and livelihood­s.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? To realistica­lly delay the marriage of girls, the State must guarantee education up to 18 years, accessible schools with hygienic toilets and safety
SHUTTERSTO­CK To realistica­lly delay the marriage of girls, the State must guarantee education up to 18 years, accessible schools with hygienic toilets and safety
 ?? ?? Madhu Mehra
Madhu Mehra

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