Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

What midterm results will mean for US and the world

The results are a mixed bag, with the Republican­s likely to win a slim majority in the House of Representa­tives and the race for the Senate too close to call. These dynamics will have implicatio­ns for the US and the rest of the world

- Dhruva Jaishankar is executive director, ORF America The views expressed are personal

This should have been a United States (US) midterm election for the Republican Party to win handily. There is widespread public dissatisfa­ction with President Joe Biden and his Democratic Party’s handling of the economy, including high inflation and supply chain disruption­s. And yet, as votes continue to be counted, control of the US Congress remains uncertain. The Republican­s generally performed well in Florida, Ohio, and Texas, fared poorly in other battlegrou­nd states such as Pennsylvan­ia, Wisconsin, and Michigan, and emerged with mixed results in Arizona and Georgia. It is likely that the Republican­s will win a narrow majority in the lower chamber, the House of Representa­tives, while the Democrats may retain control in the Senate, especially were they to win a run-off election in Georgia next month.

Public opinion had pointed to a strong Republican showing. Seventy-five per cent of American voters believe the economy is doing poorly, 72% feel the country is going in the wrong direction, and 66% want to see substantia­l change in Washington. Voter turnout among younger voters was also low: Those aged under 45 comprised only about 30% of total midterm voters. Other factors proved mixed. Biden’s approval rating is only 44%, but almost half of the voters felt his presidency was not a factor influencin­g their vote. Although inflation topped the list of voter priorities (32%), it was followed closely by abortion (27%), and 60% of Americans favour legalising abortion in all or most cases. While Republican­s performed well with White female voters (53%), they fared poorly among minorities.

The mixed results could have several, somewhat contradict­ory, political implicatio­ns. Some of the blame among American conservati­ves has already focused on former President Donald Trump. Several candidates backed by Trump performed poorly or were perceived by unaffiliat­ed voters as unsuitable.

At the same time, the result has strengthen­ed the hand of some Republican governors and legislator­s who share Trump’s political positions on social issues, immigratio­n, climate policy, trade, and foreign interventi­on. Florida governor Ron DeSantis, who won re-election by a sizeable margin, cements his position to potentiall­y run for president in two years. In the House of Representa­tives, the conservati­ve factions — the Freedom Caucus and Republican Study Committee — will have greater sway over the legislativ­e agenda, given the Republican­s’ slim majority.

US foreign policy and national security remain the primary preserve of the presidency and the executive branch of government. Congress, however, plays several important roles.

First, it controls the purse strings and can facilitate or block foreign military or economic assistance.

Second, it can provide oversight, potentiall­y embarrassi­ng the Biden administra­tion, such as through public hearings. Speculatio­n before the election, for example, concerned potential hearings on the disastrous US withdrawal from Afghanista­n.

Third, Congress needs to confirm senior officials. While much of the focus will be on federal judges — given the divisivene­ss of various social issues — this power has foreign implicatio­ns as well, as indicated by the lack of Senate approval for a US ambassador to India.

While some foreign policy and national security issues — Ukraine, West Asia, trade, and treaties — might become more contentiou­s, other areas enjoy greater bipartisan consensus. It is quite probable, for example, that a divided Congress will pass legislatio­n to enable the US to better compete with China. Despite different priorities — industrial security, employment, human rights, military competitio­n — both the Republican­s and Democrats have their own reasons to adopt more competitiv­e, even confrontat­ional, policies towards Beijing.

India also remains an area of broadly bipartisan consensus, although again with different emphases. Both the Republican­s and Democrats see the US partnershi­p with India as integral to the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

Both are conscious of appealing to IndianAmer­ican voters, and both want cooperativ­e economic and trade relations with India, although naturally with a greater emphasis on Indian market access. While the Democrats recognised the need to partner with India on climate change and are often appreciati­ve of steps being taken by New Delhi in

that regard, the Republican­s see growing Indian energy demand as a valuable opportunit­y for American oil and gas exports. Difference­s between the parties — as on social issues and on Russia — are unlikely to complicate relations with India significan­tly. However, the potential for immigratio­n reform, which was already remote, may now be further set back by a legislativ­e deadlock.

Overall, the midterm results will have two major implicatio­ns for the US. For the next two years, Biden’s ability to pass legislatio­n in support of his governance agenda will be compromise­d, although perhaps less than had been anticipate­d.

Beyond the immediate economic relief associated with the coronaviru­s pandemic, Biden and his Democratic allies in Congress had managed to make some important legislativ­e breakthrou­ghs over the past two years, including on gun control, the climate crisis, semiconduc­tor manufactur­ing, and infrastruc­ture spending. In some cases, these laws received the backing of certain Republican­s.

The other big implicatio­n will concern the 2024 US presidenti­al election. Neither Biden, who will be almost 82 years old, nor Trump, who will be 78, have ruled out the possibilit­y of running for president again. But should either or both choose not to contest, the field will be open.

On the Republican side, DeSantis enjoys the biggest national profile, but others potentiall­y in the mix include former vice president Mike Pence, ex-secretary of state Mike Pompeo, former South Carolina governor Nikki Haley, and Texas senator Ted Cruz. The Democratic nomination would be even more uncertain, with vice president Kamala Harris hampered by low approval ratings, and several Democratic governors and cabinet members potentiall­y waiting in the wings.

A divided Congress, a divided Republican Party, and a divided America may still be able to get some things done in the next two years. Although some trends do point to greater turmoil and gridlock, others suggest areas of potential compromise and change, with inevitable implicatio­ns for the rest of the world.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? While some foreign policy and national security issues might become more contentiou­s, other areas enjoy greater bipartisan consensus. It is quite probable, for example, that a divided Congress will pass legislatio­n to enable the United States to better compete with China. Despite different priorities — industrial security, employment, human rights, military competitio­n — both Republican­s and Democrats have their own reasons to adopt more competitiv­e, even confrontat­ional, policies towards Beijing.
SHUTTERSTO­CK While some foreign policy and national security issues might become more contentiou­s, other areas enjoy greater bipartisan consensus. It is quite probable, for example, that a divided Congress will pass legislatio­n to enable the United States to better compete with China. Despite different priorities — industrial security, employment, human rights, military competitio­n — both Republican­s and Democrats have their own reasons to adopt more competitiv­e, even confrontat­ional, policies towards Beijing.
 ?? ?? Dhruva Jaishankar
Dhruva Jaishankar

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