Hindustan Times (Patiala)

The importance of free speech

This excerpt from a new book looks at the vexatious matter of saving secularism from the secularist­s

- Harsh Madhusudan and Rajeev Mantri A New Idea of India

The Indian State has, since the passage of the First Amendment to the Constituti­on, appointed itself a referee in deciding what is acceptable speech and what is not. The State censoring speech and content of its own volition is bad enough — what makes matters worse is the censorship in response to threats by some group claiming to be offended. But when there is a referee with the power to decide one way or the other, there is no use blaming offended groups for lobbying and pressurisi­ng government­s to get what they want.

By taking a stand either way, the State exposes itself to several charges, especially when it has a history of seeing its citizens as members of groups rather than as individual­s. More often than not, a group’s right to get offended and enforce censorship trumps an individual’s right to freedom of speech and expression.

In 2012, Salman Rushdie was prevented from participat­ing at a literature festival for having written The Satanic Verses two decades earlier. In 2015, Hindu Mahasabha leader Kamlesh Tiwari was arrested and detained under the draconian National Security Act by a ‘secular and liberal’ Samajwadi Party government for making ‘derogatory remarks’ about the prophet of Islam. In 2019, Kamlesh Tiwari was murdered, and those who conspired to kill him confessed that their motive had been to avenge what Tiwari had said. Celebrity TV anchors and the liberal intelligen­tsia seen pontificat­ing about press freedom also looked the other way when Shirin Dalvi, an editor of the Urdu newspaper Avadhnama, was arrested for reprinting the Charlie Hebdo cartoons. Dalvi subsequent­ly lost her job and the newspaper had to be shut down.

These episodes, predictabl­e to a fault, are illustrati­ve of the way politics has been conducted and the free speech debate in India has played out over the years. Employing wily statecraft and plausible deniabilit­y, the Congress–UPA government achieved its political objective of stopping Rushdie from attending the event. Speaking at the same literature festival in 2012, Outlook magazine editor Vinod Mehta, a self-described Left– Liberal, berated the Congress party for its ‘shameless communalis­m’ in using the episode to court Muslim votes in poll-bound Uttar Pradesh...

Every time an episode of this nature occurs, television channels conduct debates on the state of free speech in India… It is worth thinking about why the same cycle of outrage repeats again and again, yet nothing really changes. Since Independen­ce, movies and books have been banned under pressure from different interest groups in various states all over India. The list is simply too long to reproduce in full, but it includes movies such as The Da Vinci Code, Jodhaa Akbar, Aaja Nachle and several books deemed offensive to Muslims, Hindus, other identity groups, and even members of the Nehru–Gandhi family. In a new low, in 2011, columnist Anish Trivedi, who had supposedly written an ‘anti-caste’ article was convicted and jailed for six months by a court of law. The world’s largest democracy can take credit for jailing writers like totalitari­an States are known to do.

… All these are instances of assault on free speech. No celebrity writer or journalist protested these attacks on free expression. This is because the importance of free speech in a democracy isn’t widely understood or championed in our country... Free speech is about preventing the State from forcing individual­s to remain silent as well as not forcing individual­s to say some

Harsh Madhusudan, Rajeev Mantri 352pp, ₹799 Westland thing they do not want to. The right to offend is fundamenta­l to free speech. Free speech is also about the State protecting individual­s from being at the receiving end of physical attacks from others. Such protection is needed especially for speech considered offensive by some people.

...what is hate speech in some countries qualifies as protected speech in American jurisprude­nce. The difference in the ways the Indian Constituti­on and the American Constituti­on guarantee free speech is telling. Article 19 clause (1) (a) of India’s Constituti­on states that all citizens shall have the right to freedom of expression, and then goes on to list the ‘reasonable restrictio­ns’ on this freedom. These ‘reasonable restrictio­ns’ were inserted by India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru... Nehru... succeeded in pushing through the amendment, including vague generaliti­es like public order, decency or morality, India friendly relations with foreign countries and other arbitrary causes in the interest of which restrictio­ns on speech could be imposed. Time magazine, reporting on the issue, said... Nehru was more interested in muzzling criticism of his foreign and domestic policies from news weeklies such as Blitz and Current...

With the passing of the First Amendment, free speech became constituti­onally restricted in India. In stark contrast to India’s caveat-filled constituti­onal right to free speech, the First Amendment to the American Constituti­on simply states that ‘Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press’. India’s Constituti­on doles out ‘rights’ to individual­s. The American Constituti­on assumes pre-existing rights and freedoms, and places limitation­s on the government instead. For India, the State is supreme with practicall­y no constituti­onal limits because of all the broad caveats. For America, the State is but a constituti­onally restricted agent of the individual. In India, the onus is on the individual to show that he or she is within their rights to do something. In the US, the government has to prove that it is constituti­onally valid to regulate an undeniable freedom. This is the difference between lip-service to freedom and true freedom...

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