‘THE RAPE AND MURDER HAVE PUT THE DIVIDE BETWEEN PEOPLE OUT IN THE OPEN. PRIMARILY IT IS A HINDUMUSLIM DIVIDE BUT IT MANIFESTS ITSELF IN A JAMMUKASHMIR DIVIDE.’
migration, the Muslim population was reduced to 7 per cent according to the 1961 census. So the phenomenon of radicalisation in Jammu is old and it was there when Kashmir as a whole was preoccupied with protecting its non-Muslim population,” explains Sheikh Showkat Hussain, associate professor at the Central University of Kashmir. Jammu also has fewer seats than Kashmir. It has never had a chief minister from the region, adding to a sense of political isolation. Moreover, after producing legendary generals for centuries, many Dogras say there is a leadership vacuum.
The other thorn is economic. Jammu and Kashmir has few large-scale industries and one of the lowest per capita Gross Domestic Product in the country. It has failed to keep pace with the burgeoning aspirations of a growing young population. RL Bhat, a professor of economics at the Central University of Jammu, explains that the primary employer continues to be the government, which has reached saturation point. Moreover, state government data from 2015-2016 shows that Jammu’s share of tax revenues outstrips that of the valley 3:1. Some reasons are obvious: the long-running insurgency in the valley and months of bitter cold. “But this creates inter-regional tension,” says Bhat.
Indeed, accusations of favouritism to Kashmir in jobs and government openings is as popular in Jammu as is its famed rajma-chawal. “There is no question of any discrimination. It is just a wrong perception perpetuated by some with vested interests,” says Naeem Akhtar, a Kashmir government spokesperson.
But this has done little to assuage the outrage of a community with a long history of military service but fast-eroding cultural artifacts, exemplified in the crumbling forts and temples of Jammu, fuelling a deep sense of identity crisis. “We built this state but our issues are nowhere to be seen. The youth don’t speak the local language. We are a warrior race, we didn’t write down our history, and our script is almost dead. How long will we tolerate this?” asks Manu Khajuria, an activist.
THE PRESENT
Many Dogra community leaders deny that the current crisis is communal but those among the Muslim population are not convinced. Talib Hussain, a former Jammu University student and a Gujjar leader, says the protests are politically instigated to terrorise the Muslim community. He also denies all charges of demographic change, saying land is not an issue with tribals, who will not stay in one place even if they are economically well-off. “They have tried to brand us criminals and anti Hindus to please the fundamentalist voter,” he says, calling for the implementation of the Forest Rights Act to safeguard the interests of the tribals. Others see in the protests a continuation of mainland politics. “As you find in the entire country, hate speeches have increased. People try to communalise issues to secure votes. This atmosphere has percolated into the state,” says Masud Chowdhury, a former additional director general of police in Jammu.
The protests have evoked strong reactions in Kashmir too. “I have a strong feeling that the rape and murder has put the divide between people there and here out in the open. Primarily it is a Hindu-Muslim divide but it manifests itself in a JammuKashmir divide,” says Toyeba Pandit, 28, of Baramulla district.
Another Kashmiri student in Jammu, who wished to remain anonymous, offered the 1992 Kunan-Poshpora rapes, allegedly by the Indian army, as an example of how rapes have been used politically in the state. Many Kashmiris don’t trust the CBI after its probe in the 2009 Shopian rape case.
Caste plays its role too, especially in the Hindu-dominated Jammu region, where Dalits continue to face ritual abuse and obstruction in accessing public spaces, water and even burial sites. Hiranagar, the assembly constituency where the crime occurred, is a reserved constituency. “Wherever the upper castes dominate, they use the Dalits against the Muslims. But we have friendly relations with the tribals, we support them,” says RC Kalsotra, state president of the All India Confederation of SC,ST, OBC organisations.
There is deep anger coursing through Jammu today. Dogras feel decades of military service have gone in vain, its heroes forgotten and its name maligned. They seethe at the insinuations made about supporting rapists – pointing out here, girls are worshipped. “We cannot even think of such a thing done to our kanjak ( girl goddess),” says an upset Khajuria. Muslims feel that hostility against them is rising, aided by political parties.
But the way out of this crisis might also come from within Jammu itself, and its plural nature. As Puri says, a glimpse into an average classroom in the university would reveal students from every corner of the state. “Jammu has been liberal and broad-minded, always opening doors for the displaced,” says Jandial. Chowdhury agrees. “We have full faith in our neighbours and members of the Hindu community. The majority are not communal. This gives me hope.”