Fixing gender imbalance in the Indian economy
On a visit to a slum rehab site in Mumbai nine years ago, I was struck by the story of two young women who had persisted with their studies despite their father’s opposition. The younger sister was forced to drop out of school, and was appearing for an open school exam without the knowledge of her father. The elder sister was allowed to complete her Class 12 only because her fiance insisted that he wanted a bride who finished her schooling.
There were other such stories in the neighbourhood. Since the locality lacked a government high school, students had to enroll either in a costlier private school or at faraway government schools. Several parents were reluctant to send their daughters to a far-away school, and many girls dropped out. For some parents, the main reason to allow their daughters to finish high school was that it would lead to better marriage prospects, not that it would lead to a job.
Educated women are in demand in the marriage market because they are expected to raise better educated children. A 2022 research paper by the sociologist Ravinder Kaur shows how mothers contribute disproportionately to children’s educational training, often by sacrificing their careers and desires. The burden of ensuring intergenerational upward mobility rests primarily on the mother, she argued. Kaur interviewed 107 engineering students from the Indian Institute of Technology (Iit-delhi) and followed it up with interviews of their parents. Of the 107 mothers, 73 were stay-at-home mothers. A majority of them were highly educated, and tended to be more involved in their children’s education. Some mothers even accompanied their wards to Kota, the mecca of IIT-JEE coaching in India. In comparison, fathers played a marginal role in their children’s exam preparation.
Kaur’s findings echo those of the American economist Jere Behrman whose 1999 study suggested that the surge in female literacy in India’s Green Revolution belt was driven by women’s role in tutoring their children at home. As the demand for education and technical skills rose after the Green Revolution, so did the demand for educated brides. Dowries demanded of such brides were considerably lower. Behrman’s study showed that children of educated women studied longer hours. By raising the human capital of the next generation, women’s contribution to economic growth was indirect and unique, Behrman argued.
Hence, the returns of female education often accrue to the progeny, not to the woman herself. This explains why rapid strides in female educational achievements in India haven’t led to similar improvements in female workforce participation. When not taking care of the children or the elderly, the average Indian woman is working unpaid in family farms or family businesses. Only a small minority of women are able to earn any remuneration for their work. Seventy-five years after the country’s Independence, most women have still not tasted financial independence.
If you think that the new generation of Indian women faces a different life now, think again. Young women are as constrained by societal norms and expectations as older generations. An analysis of the 2019-20 Periodic Labour Force Survey by the economists Vidya Mahambare and Sowmya Dhanaraj shows that only 16% of married women from urban India in the 25-29 age group count as employed. The share of the employed among single women in the same age group is nearly three times higher.
Societal norms impact men as well, but in a different way. For men, marriage acts as an impetus to take up a job. 72% of urban men in the 25-29 age group count as employed. But among married men from the same cohort, 94% are employed, Mahambare and Dhanaraj find. With men dominating workplaces and women remaining at home, it is easy for employers to demand long working hours. This only adds to the difficulties of working women who are already saddled with domestic duties. Their withdrawal from the workforce after marriage or childbirth further entrenches stereotypical gender norms.
Unless gender roles at home change, gender roles at work are unlikely to change meaningfully. The gender imbalance in India’s formal workforce is as much of a cultural challenge as an economic one. More honest conversations around this issue can help. Not just economists and sociologists, even filmwriters, poets, and stand-up comics should be a part of this conversation.
While we shouldn’t expect quick-fix policy solutions on this issue, there are certain initiatives that could help. Some economists have identified the lack of adequate urban infrastructure and commuting options as a significant hurdle for women. Others argue that India’s poor record in generating manufacturing jobs has limited job opportunities for women. In other parts of Asia, including Bangladesh, manufacturing has been a key driver of female workforce participation. Still others have pointed to the role of poor law and order, which deters women from venturing out to work.
These are important policy issues that require attention. Fixing them would, of course, provide economy-wide benefits. But they might also encourage more women to work. The presence of a rising number of women in India’s formal workforce can gradually chip away at the edifice of ossified gender norms. To deal with one of India’s biggest civilisational challenges, both economic and cultural instruments of change must work in tandem.