THE BUILD OF THE HOUSE

CASTE COMPLEXION

In 2019, the Lok Sabha has a new sociological mix. Brahmin representation continues to be high. As French scholar Christophe Jaffrelot writes, the “proportion of Brahmin MPs jumped from 30 per cent in 2009 to 38.5 per cent in 2014” and continues to be more or less the same in 2019. But the number of upper-caste MPs from the Hindi belt has declined over the previous Lok Sabha while that of Other Backward Classes has increased over the years. However, the proportion of Yadavs in OBC MPs has declined from 29 per cent in 2009 to 16 per cent this time. This is due to the rout of the Rashtriya Janata Dal in Bihar and fewer Samajwadi Party MPs getting elected in Uttar Pradesh.

However, in contrast to the falling representation of the Yadavs, the proportion of most backward caste MPs has gone up from 23 per cent in 2014 to 31 per cent in 2019. It is a reflection of the BJP’s social engineering strategy, wherein greater representation was given to nonYadavs among OBCs and non-Jatavs among Dalits. The Trivedi Centre data reveals that of the 199 candidates fielded in the Hindi belt, only seven were Yadavs (of which six got elected), 14 were Jats (all got elected) and eight were Kurmis (seven were elected). Among the Dalits, the BJP gave more tickets to Pasis (four) compared to the three it gave to the numerically dominant Jatavs.

And while the number of Muslim Lok Sabha MPs may have gone up from 23 in 2014 to 27 this time round, none of the six Muslim candidates the BJP fielded this time managed to win.

YOUNG, EDUCATED AND RICH

It is a comparatively younger Lok Sabha in 2019, with the average age of its MPs having come down from 58 in 2009 and 56 in 2014, respectively, to 54 this time. According to PRS Legislative Research, 12 per cent of these MPs are below 40 years while 6 per cent are about or above 70 years (see Mandate for Diversity).

Compared to the previous Lok Sabha, however, the level of education in this Lok Sabha has come down relatively. If 80 per cent of the legislators in 2014 had at least a graduate-level qualification, this time, 72 per cent, or 394 out of 542 MPs, according to PRS Legislative Research data (see An Educated House for break-up).

No one profession holds sway this Lok Sabha; the MPs come from diverse professional backgrounds. Given their leading role in the country’s national movement, lawyers made up 36 per cent of our very first Lok Sabha (1952-1957). In 2014 and 2019, however, their numbers have come down to below 10 per cent (see An Eclectic Mix). The number of agriculturists, too, has come down as a proportion of the total Lok Sabha strength—from a peak of 49 per cent in 1998 to 38 per cent in 2019.

In terms of assets, 475 of the 542 MPs are what the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), an NGO working for electoral reforms, calls ‘crorepatis’. Among the sitting MPs, 32 declared assets worth more than Rs 50 crore, only two declared assets less than Rs 5 lakh. ADR data also reveals that 33 per cent MPs declared criminal cases against them in their self-sworn affidavits.

The 17th Lok Sabha finds itself at a curious crossroads. The number of women has gone up, but they are still under-represented. OBC representation has risen since 2009, but is still not enough. The rich, educated and professional elite continue to overwhelm businessmen, farmers and social workers.

What does this mean for Indian democracy? Will more education, prosperity and a few more women in the Lok Sabha improve the quality of debate, end unruly scenes and make lawmaking more efficient? We will know in the next five years.