BENGAL: BJP’S POST-ELECTION OFFENSIVE
On May 7, RSS sarkaryavahak (general secretary) Dattatreya Hosabale made a public statement condemning the postpoll violence in West Bengal and the role of the “passive state administration in the conspiracy”. The RSS top executive urged the central government to take all possible steps to ensure the state government “acts to stop the violence”. Now this was quite a deviation from the Sangh’s public posture and rhetoric of being an ‘apolitical’ organisation. In the past, the Sangh has made statements against political violence in Kerala, Punjab, Bihar, Chhattisgarh etc., but that was after incidents involving the RSS cadre, not those associated with the BJP.
This latest reaction is seen as part of a larger Sangh parivar strategy to garner the sympathies of the Bengali bhadralok as well as to keep morale up after the crushing defeat in the assembly polls. Before Hosabale’s statement, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had dialled state governor Jagdeep Dhankhar to take stock of the situation. BJP president J.P. Nadda also did a twoday tour of the state, where he met many of the families hit by the violence.
Sources in the Sangh say the postpoll violence has been a blow to the morale of the cadre in other states too. Morale was anyway low, with the nationwide backlash over the mismanagement of the Covid second surge. So, it helped to see the BJP top leadership as well as the Sangh brass jumping into the fray to condemn the postpoll violence and demand action. Footage of Nadda blasting Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) for the killing of BJP footsoldiers has been popular with the party cadre. (Although the BJP leaders were left redfaced after a photo the party released, ostensibly of people who had lost their lives in the violence, included one of a journalist who was alive and well.) The state police has confirmed more than 14 deaths in the violence. Some of the BJP’s more ardent supporters have been urging the Centre to retaliate “using all means necessary”. Actress Kangana Ranaut even tweeted asking PM Modi to ‘tame’ Mamata using his ‘virat roop’ from the ‘early 2000s’.
Although the party is clearly smarting from the defeat, it is now trying to clutch at the positives: for example, the new narrative is that the 77 seats it won is a long way from the three seats it had got in 2016. Also the fact that it is now the principal opposition; the Left parties and Congress have lost almost all influence in the state. An initial analysis by the party says that though the TMC won with a twothirds majority, there were 92 seats where the BJP lost by less than 3,000 votes. Mamata losing her own assembly poll to exaide Suvendu Adhikari has also been something of a salve for injured pride. Adhikari, now the leader of the opposition, is already taking potshots at Mamata, calling her the “first leader
to become Bengal chief minister after losing an election”.
The BJP also feels a big reason for the defeat was its “limited acceptability” among the Bengali bhadralok. The culture and history of political violence in the state does concern this lot, says a top BJP leader, adding that the challenge for the party is to make a credible pitch that the BJP wants to change this and has a plan to bring about that change. That may not be so easy. The BJP had made political violence, tollabaji (extortion) and corruption the big issues during the election, but then they opened the gates for TMC turncoats, many of whom, several BJP leaders admitted to india today, had a history of indulging in such activities.
Meanwhile, the party is focused on keeping Mamata “engaged” in the state. There are strategic reasons for this, both at the state and the national level. Within days of securing a third term, she vocally took on the Centre on two issues related to Covid management—allocation to Bengal of controlled medicines and other equipment and exemption of GST on Covid medicines and vaccines. Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman was quick to retaliate, taking to social media platforms to counter Mamata’s charges.
There is a feeling in the BJP that the Bengal chief minister may now start positioning herself on the national stage. After three straight wins, it will not surprise many if Mamata sees herself in a leadership role in a new national Opposition alliance. Hence, it makes sense for the BJP to keep her engaged in the state while continuing with its expansion plans.
The political violence has given the BJP ammunition to hit her from day one. None of the BJP leaders attended the swearingin ceremony on May 5, protesting the violence. Mamata was not to be cowed down though; saying she would not tolerate any violence— from either side. After the ceremony, governor Dhankhar expressed a wish to visit the victims of the violence. But Mamata has shown no interest in arranging a chopper for his tour. The two had a brief discussion after which Dhankhar railed against the newly elected government for not stopping the “retributive violence”.
Meanwhile, two more central agencies, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and National Commission for Women (NCW), got into the act. This is in addition to Amit Shah’s Union home ministry seeking reports from the governor and the state’s chief secretary on the violence. “Why is the central team visiting victims from just the BJP? Instead of sending vaccines, oxygen, they are sending central teams. This is because they are finding it hard to accept the people’s verdict,” says Mamata.
Mamata has been reiterating that her government will act impartially—speaking after she had been sworn in, she made a point of reminding her detractors that she had compensated all victims, irrespective of party affiliations. The government has announced Rs 2 lakh for the families of each of the deceased and has also given jobs as home guards to the family members of those killed in the CRPF firing at Sitalkuchi while polling was on. The family of Ananda Barman, the Rajbangshi youth who was allegedly shot by TMC goons, has also been extended the same benefits.
Meanwhile, BJP sources say more leaders from Bengal may be accommodated when the Union cabinet expands. In the last two years of Modi 2.0, Babul Supriyo and Debasree Chaudhuri have been ministers. A few other names from Bengal had also been in the reckoning in 2019 when PM Modi started his second term, but they were left out as the party wanted to use them for the organisational expansion in the state. The cabinet expansion and reshuffle has been long overdue but has been delayed because of Covid. Prime Minister Modi has 53 colleagues at present; his previous regime had 79 members. The names of Swapan Dasgupta, Locket Chatterjee and Mukul Roy are being mentioned as candidates from Bengal. They will join the likes of Jyotiraditya Scindia, Sushil Modi, Trivendra Singh Rawat and Sarbananda Sonowal, who are all waiting in the wings. ■
THE BJP IS LOOKING TO KEEP MAMATA ‘ENGAGED’ IN THE STATE. THE POSTPOLL VIOLENCE GAVE IT A CHANCE TO DO THIS FROM DAY ONE