India Today

THE DEATH OF PRIVACY

THE GOVERNMENT STAUNCHLY DENIES ALLEGATION­S OF HAVING USED FOREIGN MALWARE TO SNOOP ON PRIVATE INDIAN CITIZENS. BUT THE CONTROVERS­Y HAS RAISED MAJOR CONCERNS ABOUT VIOLATIONS OF INDIVIDUAL PRIVACY AND EFFECTIVE CHECKS TO PREVENT MISUSE OF STATE POWER

- By Sandeep Unnithan Illustrati­on by NILANJAN DAS

The danger of a surveillan­ce state has never been more real

IS THE INDIAN STATE RUNNING a mass surveillan­ce programme, keeping tabs on journalist­s, human rights activists and opposition leaders along with its own ministers and key officials? This is the charge made by French news organisati­on Forbidden Stories and Amnesty Internatio­nal on July 18 in their serialised revelation of spying activities carried out by countries across the globe.

The ‘Pegasus Project’, a global consortium of 17 media organisati­ons including Indian news website www.thewire.in, suggests India is among the 45 countries using a malware developed by the Israel-based NSO group. The purported snoop list includes 50,000 people and has phone numbers linked to at least 14 heads of state, like French president Emmanuel Macron and Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan.

According to The Washington Post, more than 1,000 phone numbers from India appeared on the list. The first list of names had 40 Indian journalist­s (including this writer) covering politics, foreign affairs and defence. A second list had the names of Opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi, election strategist Prashant Kishor, newly-appointed IT minister Ashwini Vaishnaw and top virologist Gagandeep Kang. Vaishnaw has denied the allegation­s, calling them “an attempt to malign Indian democracy and its well-establishe­d institutio­ns”. In a statement in the Lok Sabha on July 19 he maintained that, “When we look at this issue through the prism of logic, it clearly emerges that there is no substance behind this sensationa­lism.”

So, where did the database originate? There are no answers yet. On July 20, Laurent Richard, founder of Forbidden Stories, told India Today TV that the “numbers were entered in the system by NSO”.

The list by itself is not conclusive proof of surveillan­ce. Amnesty Internatio­nal has clarified that “the

AMNESTY INTERNATIO­NAL HAS CLARIFIED THAT THE MERE PRESENCE OF A PHONE NUMBER IN THE DATA IS NOT CONCLUSIVE PROOF OF SURVEILLAN­CE

SURVEILLAN­CE IN INDIA IS NOT ILLEGAL. A LIST OF 10 CENTRAL AGENCIES, INCLUDING THE IB AND R&AW, ARE AUTHORISED TO TAP TELEPHONES

presence of a phone number in the data alone does not reveal whether a device was infected with Pegasus or subject to an attempted hack”. The consortium believes the data is “indicative of the potential targets NSO’s government clients identified in advance of possible surveillan­ce attempts”. The project adds that forensic examinatio­n of a cross-section of phones found traces

HACK IN THE HOUSE

Uproar by the Opposition over the Pegasus issue during the Parliament’s monsoon session, July 20 of the spyware on 37 phones on the leaked list.

A July 18 statement by the NSO group says the Forbidden Stories report is “full of wrong assumption­s” and “uncorrobor­ated theories” that raise serious doubts about the reliabilit­y and interests of the sources.

Surveillan­ce by state and central agencies in India is not illegal. Section 69 of the Informatio­n Technology Act, 2000, allows “the intercepti­on, monitoring and decryption of digital informatio­n in the interest of the sovereignt­y and integrity of India, of the defence of India”. A list of 10 central agencies, including the Intelligen­ce Bureau and the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), are authorised to tap telephones. RTI revelation­s in 2013 pointed to intercepti­ons being done on a ‘staggering scale’—5,000 to 9,000 lawful intercepti­on orders were being issued by the central government on a monthly basis. Even the Right to Privacy Bill, yet to be passed, does not give Indian citizens blanket immunity from surveillan­ce.

The Pegasus Project’s implicatio­ns, of citizens placed under surveillan­ce by military-grade cyber weapons, are alarming but not entirely unexpected. The existence of this malware was revealed in 2016 (see ‘On the Data Trail’) when the Canada-based Citizen Lab, which conducts R&D in cyberspace, global security and human rights at the University of Toronto’s Munk School, discovered it in the phone of a UAE dissident. Its potential use in mass surveillan­ce was divulged on October 29, 2019, when WhatsApp and its parent company Facebook took NSO to court in California for infecting around 1,400 mobiles phones worldwide via WhatsApp.

Digital surveillan­ce is globally rampant. In 2013, former National Security Agency (NSA) employee Edward Snowden leaked top secret documents confirming the existence of a pervasive all-intrusive western global surveillan­ce regime where spy agencies like the NSA had ‘backdoored’ Google and Facebook. (A ‘backdoor’ accesses a computer system or encrypted data, bypassing the system’s security mechanisms.) The US snooped even on its own allies, like on German chancellor Angela Merkel. India, interestin­gly, was fifth on the list of the NSA’s most spied-upon countries.

What the Israelis had done, as the Citizen Lab investigat­ions seem to suggest, was level the playing field by hocking smaller versions of those powerful surveillan­ce tools to the rest of the world. Pegasus’ allure lies in its deniabilit­y and lethality. It is designed to self-destruct, leaving few traces behind. It can be remotely injected into a smartphone through a ‘zero click attack’, where the malware gets embedded in the phone without the target clicking on a link. Once embedded, it captures the phone, ferreting out messages, photos, text messages, passwords and even turning the camera and microphone on. It is why Israel mandates its sale be cleared by its defence ministry.

This, however, was not what Pegasus was developed for. An Indian security consultant, requesting anonymity, says the malware, as the NSO insists, was indeed developed for counterter­rorism applicatio­ns. “In a Mumbai 26/ 11like hostage situation, it can be injected into the phones of the terrorists to let security forces know what is going on inside, or the target’s phone data can be extracted or manipulate­d to

confuse them.” The government of India has so far not denied the purchase of Pegasus. Sources indicate that a more advanced level of the malware has also been purchased and at least one Indian state government is believed to have purchased the spyware around 2017.

Proving that a government has snooped on its citizens is a tough ask because of the deniabilit­y and lack of traceabili­ty of the Pegasus malware. One former IPS officer, who wished to not be named, says he does not expect these revelation­s to make any headway because “we are confusing a moral issue with a legal issue”. “If you cannot trace something as basic as the origin of a WhatsApp message, then how will you prove a sophistica­ted malware attack on a smartphone?” he asks.

THE BIG PICTURE

There are larger and far more worrisome implicatio­ns of the potential mass surveillan­ce. There are justifiabl­e fears that engaging with foreign malware providers could amount to outsourcin­g of a sovereign function—intelligen­ce gathering operations. On July 15, just three days before the Pegasus Project revelation­s, Microsoft had announced that it had disrupted the use of “cyberweapo­ns” developed by an Israel-based private sector offensive actor that it called ‘Sourgum’. It was aided in its investigat­ion by The Citizen Lab.

A senior Microsoft executive wrote in a blog post that “these agencies chose who to target and ran the actual operations themselves” and added that the malware was targeting over 100 victims around the world, including politician­s, human rights activists, journalist­s, academics, embassy workers and dissidents.

NSO’s Pegasus has a similar attack profile. It infects smartphone­s and extracts informatio­n from them. But could the overseas developer also have access to that raw data? If so, then the Indian state may have unwittingl­y allowed data of key government officials and politician­s to be leaked overseas. “Using a foreign-developed malware is worrisome because it allows a foreign country to understand who our intelligen­ce agencies are interested in and gives them access to damaging data on a wide range of citizens in positions of power and influence,” says Bengaluru-based informatio­n warfare expert Pavithran Rajan. Such data could be intelligen­ce gold. Indian cyber analysts say the raw data could potentiall­y be accessed, manipulate­d or, worse, trafficked to other countries. “We have always spoken against the use of any foreign technology and tools, especially in telecom, defence and power sectors. The reliabilit­y and security of the technology or tools provided by foreign vendors is a very high-risk propositio­n and can pose a security risk to India,” says Jiten Jain, director of cyber intelligen­ce firm Voyager Infosec.

The NSO has said it does not access the data from its customers and The Citizen Lab’s 2018 investigat­ion hints that the Pegasus servers being installed in India is one way of ensuring that the data collected is localised. However, a former intelligen­ce official, on condition of anonymity, says: “If I was the malware developer, I would be a fool to not instal a backdoor.”

What prevents Indian agencies from developing similar capabiliti­es in-house? Time and money, says the officer. He narrates how his request to develop a certain software applicatio­n was overruled because a superior officer couldn’t “wait till the cows come home”. This is where Israeli firms like NSO step in with instant off-theshelf surveillan­ce products. Israel’s monopoly over the Indian security software industry today matches its two-decade monopoly on India’s military drone market.

The allure of Israel’s over-the-counter malware is irresistib­le. It gives government­s the enormous power of informatio­n. But these are short term benefits that could prove dangerous in the long run. It works like “crack cocaine”, says the former intelligen­ce official. “Once a government is hooked onto the product, it can be sold a steady line of increasing­ly sophistica­ted versions to break into more advanced versions of smartphone operating systems,” he says. The seller has a foot in the door—its government has leverage over the Indian government and both, potentiall­y, have access to a vast trove of raw intelligen­ce harvested from Indians in positions of power. Gathering intelligen­ce in the digital world is never a one-way street.

INDIAN CYBER ANALYSTS SAY THE RAW DATA GATHERED COULD POTENTIALL­Y BE ACCESSED, MANIPULATE­D OR TRAFFICKED

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