Millennium Post

THE QUOTA CONUNDRUM

SAYAN MUKHERJEE & SHASHANK SHEKHAR discuss whether the 103rd constituti­onal amendment which provides for 10 per cent quota can survive judicial scrutiny or not

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The 103rd constituti­onal amendment act, 2019 seeks to enable the government for making special provisions (including 10 per cent reservatio­n) for economical­ly weaker sections of citizens falling outside the already reserved categories (EWS), in relation to admission in educationa­l institutio­ns. It also enables the government to reserve 10 per cent seats for EWS over appointmen­ts in government services. The amendment has been challenged on the ground that equality and non-discrimina­tion is a basic feature of the Constituti­on, and the 50 per cent cap on reservatio­n put by the court in Indra Sawhney vs. Union of India protects this basic feature. Therefore, an amendment that seeks to transgress this limit is not permissibl­e. It is further alleged that, as observed by the court in Indra Sawhney, a classifica­tion solely on the ground of economic conditions is unconstitu­tional.

However, from the trend of the judicial decisions on constituti­onal amendments, these grounds of challenge seem untenable. That is because the standard of review of a constituti­onal amendment for violation of basic structure is not strict at all. The test that the court applies to decide on the validity of an amendment is whether such amendment changes the “identity of the Constituti­on”. The court has identified some of the broad constituti­onal principles such as equality, secularism, democracy, federalism, judicial review etc., that constitute­s this identity. Unless an amendment completely obliterate­s these principles or constitute­s an infringeme­nt so grave as to have the effect of rendering these principles meaningles­s, an amendment is a valid amendment. So, even if an amendment curtails fundamenta­l rights or has the effect of nullifying a judicial decision, it does not necessaril­y violate basic structure unless the identity of the Constituti­on is subverted.

Indeed, the equality code comprising equality before the

law (Article 14) and non-discrimina­tion (Articles 15(1) and 16(1)) is treated as part of the basic structure. But at the same time, the court has accepted that equality enshrined under the Constituti­on is not merely formal but substantiv­e. The court in Indra Sawhney and in other similar cases tried to strike a balance between nondiscrim­ination and affirmativ­e action by laying down certain

limitation­s. But the court also maintains that these limitation­s are not constituti­onal principles but judicial constructs which become part of the Constituti­on. They have never been treated by the court as the maximum limit to which the government may go to bring about substantiv­e equality. Therefore, an amendment that seeks to nullify these limitation­s for achieving substantiv­e equality has been previously upheld by the court.

For example, Indra Sawhney limited the scope of reservatio­n only to initial appointmen­ts and not in promotions. To bypass that, the 77th constituti­onal amendment was brought that allowed reservatio­n in promotion. Later, by the 81st amendment, it was made possible to carry forward the unfilled vacancies in reserved category of one year to the subsequent year even if the number of reserved seats in that year exceeded 50 per cent of the total vacancies. These amendments, as well as other ones, have been upheld in M Nagaraj vs. Union of India. The Apex Court said that since equality under the Constituti­on is substantiv­e and not formal, an amendment meant to achieve substantiv­e equality does not violate the equality code and hence, doesn’t change the identity of the Constituti­on, even if it has the effect of nullifying a court decision. Following the same principles, it is unlikely that reservatio­n for EWS, whose objective is to secure economic justice to the weaker sections among the unreserved categories, will be viewed by the court as violative of the equality code or basic structure, even if it exceeds the 50 per cent cap.

Does economic criterion as the sole basis of reservatio­n changes the identity of the Constituti­on? No. The Constituti­on during Indra Sawhney didn’t have a provision regarding reservatio­n based on economic conditions. Hence the court restricted the scope of reservatio­ns only to caste-based reservatio­ns and not otherwise. Now the Constituti­on has been amended and such amendment does not change the identity of the Constituti­on. Both the preamble and the directive principles seek to achieve social, political and economic justice. Article 46 puts the responsibi­lity on the state to promote educationa­l and economic interests of “the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes”. The phrase “weaker sections” does not restrict the state’s responsibi­lity only to backward castes. The Supreme Court has itself excluded the creamy layer among the backward classes from enjoying reservatio­n, making reservatio­n available only for the economical­ly weak within those categories. There is no reason why such a category may not be carved out of the general categories to provide special protection to the EWS. (The views expressed are strictly personal)

It is unlikely that reservatio­n for EWS, whose objective is to secure economic justice to the weaker sections among the unreserved categories, will be viewed by the court as violative of the equality code or basic structure, even if it exceeds the 50 per cent cap

 ??  ?? Economic criterion as the sole basis for reservatio­n does not alter the fundamenta­ls of the Constituti­on? (Representa­tional Image)
Economic criterion as the sole basis for reservatio­n does not alter the fundamenta­ls of the Constituti­on? (Representa­tional Image)

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