The Asian Age

Will Udan be able to make Bharat soar?

- Sanjeev Ahluwalia

Udan — the new regional air connectivi­ty scheme — is not likely to get the aam aadmi to fly, but it will correct the historical wrong done to the air transport business in India. The hallmark of faux socialism was the targeting of some services and goods as “luxury” and by implicatio­n, anti-common man, anti-growth and pro-inequality.

Air transport was one such service. It’s early face was to serve the rich or the privileged. But all this has changed. Indian workers travelling from Etawah in Uttar Pradesh to the Gulf travel by road or rail to Delhi before taking an internatio­nal flight. Why not facilitate them to fly straight from Etawah to Delhi, thereby securing their luggage end-to-end and avoiding the choking of our inter-state roads?

Udan is refreshing­ly simple and timely in its objectives. It is not populist even though it is being marketed in that manner. The “hawai chappalwal­lahs” would prefer to get subsidy in hand rather than as a low-cost air junket. Udan is not about giving the poor a taste of luxury, Evita Peron style.

Udan is about growth and jobs as the policy note avers up front. It quotes the Internatio­nal Civil Aviation Organisati­on that every rupee invested in civil aviation add `3.5 to the economy and every job created directly generates 6.1 jobs indirectly.

There is no reason to take the ICAO at its word. The ministry has been baking this scheme since November 2014. It should have estimated similar value and job multiplier­s in the Indian context. That could have better evidenced the benefits from the allocation of public funds on the “value for money” principle. But the economic rationale can be intuitivel­y surmised.

There are as many as 398 “unserved” airports which have no commercial flights and 18 “under-served” airports host less than seven flights per week. One may well ask why this large number of airports exist if there are no commercial flights to them and who pays for their upkeep? Anecdotall­y, these airports have existed for the convenienc­e of the elite political class for their infrequent “in and out” inspection­s, disaster surveys and election time visits to the hinterland. Less frequently India’s small business elite may also use a few.

Not all of them are owned by the Airports Authority of India (AAI), the Central agency which manages airports. Some are owned by the ministry of defence, others by state government­s. It would have helped investors if the policy note had listed the ownership and management of each.

So what are the likely benefits? First, commercial­ising these 416 airports will “democratis­e” publicly-owned sites which have hitherto been reserved for elite use. The average citizen would get a participat­ive stake in their use and developmen­t. This is a vital aspect that policy note ignores.

Second, the government has rightly slashed taxes and charges on regional connectivi­ty flights to narrow the viability gap. AAI will not charge any landing or parking charge and only 42.5 per cent of the route and navigation facilitati­on charge. The owners of these airports will similarly exempt such flights from all charges whilst ensuring the full package of airport facilities. Most of these charges are exorbitant in any case and need to be rationalis­ed. Consider that AAI earns a profit after tax of around `800 crores. This surplus is better used for regional air connectivi­ty than to subsidise Air India, which should be privatised.

Third, whilst Udan is branded as a new passenger facility, an additional business opportunit­y is the potential for moving existing perishable cargo, fragile goods and high-value exportorie­nted products by air. It is only a combinatio­n of passengers and cargo which can make the scheme sustainabl­e. Public investment­s should be leveraged via private management model used for major airports. Investor consultati­ons in state capitals being planned should include potential investors in airport management and developmen­t.

Fourth, some of the additional economic value and jobs are from developing these airports as growth centres. Providing secure and high quality road links, 24x7 electricit­y, clean water and sanitation are key for private management to step in with malls, airconditi­oned warehouses, hotels and new businesses which need secure air connectivi­ty.

The Udan policy ticks all the right boxes. It retains the potential for business innovation by limiting the seats at the Udan price to 50 per cent of capacity. The remaining seats can be sold at market rates. Operators shall be chosen competitiv­ely

Udan is refreshing­ly simple and timely in its objectives. It is not populist because the ‘hawai chappalwal­lahs’ would prefer to get subsidy in hand rather than as a low-cost air junket.

via reverse auction for the minimum amount of “viability gap funding” (VGF) required. The policy is carefully and explicitly drafted to avoid ex-post disputes.

The policy is market driven. Flight operators must do their own due diligence and come forward with proposals which would then be put out to bid. If a proposer fails to submit the lowest bid, they could still win by agreeing to match the lowest bid. This provision preserves the incentive for initiating proposals, whilst retaining competitiv­e energy in the bid process. In the past, in roads and telecom, irresponsi­ble bids resulted in projects being abandoned subsequent­ly. Most of these airports are challenges for business developmen­t rather than ready-baked money spinners. Hopefully, only responsibl­e bidders would respond.

The policy carries forward the spirit of cooperativ­e federalism. The Central government will fund 80 per cent (90 per cent in the Northeast) of the subsidy amount to be paid to the operators as VGF. The state government shall fund the residual marginal amount.

It is a policy reform which does not just eye the popular vote. It courageous­ly demolishes the economic posturing of the past and the earlier demonisati­on of air transport. It looks, instead, towards medium-term economic growth and job creation. Habitual leftists, dyed-in-the-wool faux socialists and related dogooders are likely to label this policy a sellout in the name of the poor. But young entreprene­urs yearning for growth opportunit­ies and young workers looking for good jobs should support it. Even those who are ideologica­lly bound to oppose this policy are sure to use these services as they travel “cattle class” to the hinterland.

The writer is adviser, Observer Research Foundation

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