The Asian Age

Constituti­on left a loophole that compromise­s India’s ECI

- A.G. Noorani

India’s very largely free and fair electoral process was once the envy of the democratic world. This was due to the independen­ce and integrity of the monitor of polls, the Election Commission of India. There have indeed been servile chief election commission­ers too.

T.N. Seshan’s appointmen­t as chief election commission­er in the early 1990s marked a watershed. He succeeded and carved his name in the annals of India’s election process. His successors followed suit.

The BJP government headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi sought one-party rule. The threemembe­r Election Commission of India was packed with favourites. The 2019 general election to the Lok Sabha was scarred by legitimate criticisms of the commission’s partiality and supineness.

For this, the much-venerated founding fathers of the Constituti­on are entirely to blame. Article 324 of the Indian Constituti­on and the wide powers conferred on the commission reads thus: “(1) The superinten­dence, direction and control of the preparatio­n of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the legislatur­e of every state and of elections to the offices of President and vice-president held under this Constituti­on … shall be vested in a commission (referred to in this Constituti­on as the Election Commission).”

“(2) The Election Commission shall consist of the chief election commission­er and such number of other election commission­ers, if any, as the President may from time to time fix and the appointmen­t of the chief election commission­er and other election commission­ers shall, subject to the provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament be made by the President. … [T]he chief election commission­er shall not be removed from his office except in like manner and on the like grounds as a judge of the Supreme Court and the conditions of service of the chief election commission­er shall not be varied to his disadvanta­ge after his appointmen­t… Any other election commission­er or a regional commission­er shall not be removed from office except on the recommenda­tion of the chief election commission­er.”

“The President or the governor… of a state, shall, when so requested by the election commission, make available to the election commission or to a regional commission­er such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the functions conferred on the Election Commission by clause (1).”

However, as the chairman of the drafting committee, Dr B.R.

Ambedkar told the Constituen­t Assembly on June 15, 1949: “... [T]here is no use making the tenure of the election commission­er a fixed and secure tenure if there is no provision in the Constituti­on to prevent either a fool or a knave or a person who is likely to be under the thumb of the executive. My provision — I must admit — does not contain anything to provide against nomination of an unfit person to the post of the chief election commission­er or the other election commission­ers. I do want to confess that this is a very important question and it has given me a great deal of headache ...”

“In the US they have solved this question by the provision contained in Article 2 Section (2) of their Constituti­on whereby certain appointmen­ts which are specified in Section (2) of Article 2 cannot be made by the President without the concurrenc­e of the Senate; so that so far as the power of appointmen­t is concerned, although it is vested in the President it is subject to a check by the Senate so that the Senate may, at the time when any particular name is proposed, make inquiries and satisfy itself that the person proposed is a proper person. But it must also be realised that, that is a very dilatory process, a very difficult process…”

“The drafting committee had paid considerab­le attention to this question because, as I said, it is going to be one of our greatest headaches and as via media it was thought that if this Assembly would give or enact what is called an instrument of instructio­ns to the President and provide therein some machinery which it would be obligatory on the President to consult before making any appointmen­t ... the difficulti­es ... may be obviated .... ”

In 1949, at the last stage of the drafting of the Indian Constituti­on, the weary members of the Constituen­t Assembly dropped the frail reed that was the instrument of instructio­ns.

The Election Commission of India is not a mere administra­tive institutio­n. It is a quasi-judicial body charged with the duty of deciding specified disputes, for example disputes regarding election symbols. That is why its members’ tenure in office is independen­t of the will of the government of the day. The chief can be removed only by the same process that applies to the removal of a judge of the Supreme Court. Sheer logic, good sense and experience of the past dictate that the process of appointmen­t should also be the same. It should not be left to the sweet will of the politician­s in power.

By arrangemen­t with Dawn

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