The Asian Age

Of authoritar­ianism and freedom: What the world is saying about today’s India

- Aakar Patel The writer is the chair of Amnesty Internatio­nal India. Twitter: @aakar__patel

There was a popular video recently by a young man named Dhruv Rathee, which irked the government’s supporters. Its broad argument may be understood by the title, which was “Is India becoming a dictatorsh­ip?” The examples used in the video included the recent rigging of the Chandigarh mayoral election by the BJP, the recent rigging of the panel to select the chief election commission­er, the misuse of government agencies against Opposition leaders, and so on.

The dictionary defines dictatorsh­ip as “a form of government in which one person or a small group possesses absolute power without effective constituti­onal limitation­s’, and “a form of government in which absolute power is concentrat­ed in an individual or a small clique”. I will leave it to readers to see whether these definition­s align with what is happening around us in India today.

The word “dictator”, like the word “fascist”, is overused and its real meaning may be lost as it is seen as a term of abuse rather than one of definition. When social scientist Ashish Nandy described meeting our present Prime Minister before he became chief minister, he wrote the following: “It was a long, rambling interview, but it left me in no doubt that here was a classic, clinical case of a fascist. I never use the term ‘fascist’ as a term of abuse; to me it is a diagnostic category comprising not only one’s ideologica­l posture but also the personalit­y traits and motivation­al patterns contextual­ising the ideology.”

Nandy added: “Modi, it gives me no pleasure to tell readers, met virtually all the criteria that psychiatri­sts, psycho-analysts and psychologi­sts had set up after years of empirical work on the authoritar­ian personalit­y. He had the same mix of puritanica­l rigidity, narrowing of emotional life, massive use of the ego defence of projection, denial and fear of his own passions combined with fantasies of violence — all set within the matrix of clear paranoid and obsessive personalit­y traits. I still remember the cool, measured tone in which he elaborated a theory of cosmic conspiracy against India that painted every Muslim as a suspected traitor and a potential terrorist. I came out of the interview shaken…”

To return to dictatorsh­ip, to my mind a less emotional and more reliable question is to ask whether we are under authoritar­ian rule. This is defined as “the lack of concern for the wishes or opinions of others”. Now, let us look at some indicators to see if this is the case. What are they?

First, is there any concern for the wishes and opinions of those inside the government? To answer that, let’s look at two important cases where we have conclusive evidence. The first is the national lockdown of March 24, 2020. The BBC filed 240 RTIs (right to informatio­n requests) one year after the lockdown to ask who in the Modi government knew the lockdown was being announced that evening. Was disaster management consulted? Or the finance ministry or health ministry? The answer from the government was: “No”. Nobody had been consulted or informed.

The second is demonetisa­tion. On November 8, 2016, the Cabinet was summoned and ministers told to not bring their mobile phones, meaning that they did not know till the PM told them that Rs 1,000 and Rs 500 notes would be useless after that evening. Since the ministers didn’t know, the ministries didn’t know and didn’t prepare for either of these events. Parliament­ary forms of government function on something called collective responsibi­lity. But not in New India.

In India, the head of state is instructed not to attend the inaugurati­on of the new Parliament because the Prime Minister wants to preside and protocol requires that the head of state be absent. Similarly, and for the same reason, the head of state is not asked to come to the inaugurati­on of the temple which the PM wants to preside over. This isn’t questioned, much less opposed, because the idea that only one individual represents the State has become accepted here. Have a look at his photograph everywhere; one cannot escape it. We need not spend much time going over what this government has done and is doing to the Opposition, by misusing the Enforcemen­t Directorat­e and the Central Bureau of Investigat­ion. There is a daily update on that. It is nobody’s case that there is any concern for the “wishes and opinion” of the constituti­onal Opposition. Those in civil society who dissent have also seen they must go directly to jail because there is no question of tolerating what they say.

Lastly, we must pay heed to what the world outside is saying about India on this subject. This month, the annual V-Dem Institute’s report from the University of Gothenburg said: “India’s auto-cratisatio­n process has been well documented, including gradual but substantia­l deteriorat­ion of freedom of expression, compromisi­ng independen­ce of the media, crackdowns on social media, harassment of journalist­s critical of the government, as well as attacks on civil society and intimidati­on of the Opposition.”

Similar findings come from Freedom House, which ranks India as “partially free”; Civicus, the global alliance of civil society organisati­ons, which rates India as “repressed” and the Economist Intelligen­ce Unit, which classified India as a “flawed democracy”.

There are no indices anywhere in the world, including in nations we consider as friends and allies, which suggest that Indians have become more free and India less authoritar­ian since 2014. There is no objective defence. What the supporters of the Prime Minister, and I accept that there are many, can do instead is to tell us why it is that his divine authoritar­ianism is so good for us and for our country.

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