Long-standing issue of Maratha quota
The politically sensitive issue of Maratha reservations has come to a boil in Maharashtra, as general elections are around the corner. The issue has been simmering for quite some time and the political parties have been devising ways to deal with it or use it for their own vote-bank politics during the elections.
The Maratha community is at the helm of affairs in the state and has occupied the seat of power for the last five decades and controls levers of economic and political power through the network of cooperative and educational institutions. However, their power has not helped the lower strata of the community, which is still suffering from economic backwardness.
Except for a few ‘kulaks’ and powerful families, development has yet to reach the poor sections of the Maratha community, which has led to the repeated demand for the inclusion of Maratha communities in the list of OBCs for economic and political reservations.
The first time the issue was raised politically was on the eve of elections in year 2004, when the Congress-NCP was facing a tough challenge from the Shiv Sena-BJP saffron combine. Though most of the powerful Marathas are with the CongressNCP alliance, poor and marginal Maratha farmers, especially in Marathwada, support the aggressive SS-BJP alliance. And to break this alliance, the Congress-NCP used the issue and also promised free power for farmers.
The issue of Maratha reservation was put on the backburner once the alliance came to power, only to be raised by organsations like the Maratha Mahasangh and Chhava. The alliance once again assured it would look into the matter and listed technicalities that stood before the proposal for Maratha reservation in the OBC list. The Justice Bapat commission submitted its report to the government just before the 2009 elections, stating legal and constitutional hurdles in the inclusion of the Maratha community on the OBC list. In order to pacify agitators, hurriedly, the issue was referred once more to the Saraf Commission for reconsideration.
Once the Congress-NCP regained power in 2009, this issue has once again been sidelined. When the Maratha organisations be- gan taking aggressive stands, a ministerial committee was set up under Narayan Rane, which has not yet submitted its report. Now, with elections around the corner, the committee is expected to get another extension to keep the issue pending.
It has already created a hitherto unseen rift between the rulers and the OBC classes, since the latter feel that if the Marathas are included in the list, they would eat into the OBCs’ share of reservations in government jobs, educational institutions and get other financial assistance. Though no one has actually indulged in open confrontation, the issue has been on the simmer for quite some time.
Though Industries Minister Narayan Rane has assured that the final report will be based on facts and not be influenced by pressure or political opinion, the government will have to consider its political implications before its recommendations are accepted.
NCP President Sharad Pawar is aware of its political implications and knows that neither the Congress, nor the NCP can afford to antagonise the OBCs in order to get support from the Maratha community, which is already supporting them. Constitutional provisions apart, the Maratha community cannot be considered as socially backward community, since it has been a ruling clan.
Pawar's recent observation that the new reservation policy should be based on economic criteria, and not on caste or religion, has come under fire from those agitating for such reservations.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) MLC Vinayak Mete has been in the forefront, organising the Maratha community for reservation. His followers have exchanged heated arguments and blows with activists of the All India Chhava Maratha Yuwa Sanghatana in Aurangabad, which should give idea about the pent-up feelings among the workers over delay in deciding the issue. The meeting was organised by the Shiv Sangram, a social organisation in favour of reservation for Marathas. Mete was opposed because Chhava workers felt that Mete was trying to usurp the agitation in favour of the NCP, which has been part of the ruling coalition for the past 15 years.
Mete had assured the gathering that the agitation for Maratha reservation will continue despite some opposition from influential sections. Realising that his strong stand will not go down well with other sections of the society, the NCP has dropped Mete from the party’s newly reorganised committee.
NCP leader Chhagan Bhujbal and BJP leader Gopinath Munde are leaders of the OBCs in the state, but they are not opposing the move despite being quite vocal on the issue of retaining the OBC quota for the already registered communities. They have no objection as long as the new caste does not eat into their quota. According to article 16(4) of the Constitution, there is no restriction on the state to make reservations for backward communities in jobs, as well as in educational institutions. The state can use this section for Maratha community; however, the Supreme Court judgment that there cannot be more than 50 per cent reservation is binding on the state government. The state government is tackling the issue on political grounds, but is doing very little to test it on constitutional and other legalities. Since elections are impending, the ruling alliance is more interested in skirting the issue, rather than taking a step to resolve it. Political consideration is the chief concern, not legalities or solutions.
With Pawar's call for reservation or financial assistance based on economic backwardness for the community, talks are also on to provide such concessions to all the economically backward from upper castes, including Brahmins. Those who have been agitating for so many years for Maratha reservations feel that this is sidelining the main demand and opening up a new front. They are not merely demanding reservations in the economic and educational fields and feel that unless caste is included in the OBC list, they will not get the benefits they want for the community. The Constitution has provided reservations for scheduled castes and tribes and later extended it to the other backward communities, but if forward castes are also included, then the very purpose of the reservation would be defeated, feel social scientists. However, the government will be hardpressed to include these forward communities in the scheduled list on the basis of existing frame work of law.
The agitators feel that the government should try to lift the 50 per cent limit on overall reservation, so that other deserving castes can be included in the list without disturbing present ratio of reservation. The only note of caution for the government is to ensure no escalation of tension over the reservation issue.