The Hindu (Bangalore)

The Gaza war needs a smart exit strategy

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On March 25, 2024, there was finally some good news in the ongoing conflict in Gaza when the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted a resolution demanding an immediate ceasefire in Gaza during Ramadan, while also calling for the immediate and unconditio­nal release of all hostages. This was the UNSC’s first successful­ly passed resolution calling for a ceasefire since the war in the Gaza Strip following the brutal terror attack by Hamas last October in southern Israel. The previous four resolution­s in the UNSC had failed due to veto, thrice exercised by the United States. The U.S., however, abstained this time and ‘let the resolution pass’.

The resolution this time drew mixed reactions. Israel was the first to react, with its Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu alleging that the U.S. had “abandoned its policy in the UN” and was, therefore, harming the war effort and the measures for the release of Israeli hostages in Hamas’s custody. Israel also cancelled the visit of its ministeria­l delegation to Washington which was scheduled to discuss the offensive in Rafah and other options. In an almost immediate Uturn, under Israeli pressure, the U.S. came out with a statement that the UN Resolution is ‘nonbinding’ and that Israel can continue what it is doing in Gaza, making a mockery of the whole process in the UNSC. Hamas, on the other hand, initially welcomed the ceasefire resolution, but on March 26, reiterated its position on a permanent ceasefire accompanie­d by a complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. As a result, the initial euphoria and hopes for an early ceasefire have very quickly turned into a ‘back to square one’ position.

The war grinds on

With no assurance that the ceasefire will actually take shape, the focus is now back to the joint efforts of Egypt and Qatar — these countries have been separately negotiatin­g for an early ceasefire. Meanwhile, Israel has upped the ante. It launched an attack on the Al Shifa hospital in Gaza for the second time, again resulting in heavy civilian casualties. The airstrikes and bombing in Rafah too have intensified in the past few days. Reports also indicate Israel targeting Southern Lebanon, killing civilians. Meanwhile, Hezbollah has intensified its missile strikes into Northern Israel, inflicting damage to key military assets and loss of lives. Houthis in the south continue to disrupt and block Israeli, U.S. and British ships in the Red Sea, causing heavy economic losses for Israel and its allies. As in the latest estimates, the war in Gaza has resulted in the loss of over 32,000 lives in Gaza. Meanwhile, in a clear act of provocatio­n, an Israeli strike in Syria targeted the Iranian Consulate in Damascus, killing a senior Al Quds leader on April 1, adding to the dangers of an enlarged conflict.

War objectives, their status

When Israel launched its counteroffensive into Gaza on October 7, it stated three clear aims: to flatten Gaza; eliminate Hamas, and get back all its hostages. With the war well into its sixth month, it is important to review each of these aims. Yes, Israel has flattened Gaza, in fact so badly that many who have been on the ground seem to suggest that Gaza will be virtually uninhabita­ble for years. Israel has also, in the past few weeks, flattened a kilometrew­ide stretch along the border with Gaza, with the intention of converting it into a buffer zone later.

Second, the destructio­n of Hamas. The best estimates suggest that Israel has succeeded in eliminatin­g only 30% of an estimated 30,000 Hamas fighters. Hamas’s fighting potential remains intact while the supply of rockets and ammunition has not dried up. Also, the mastermind of Hamas’s military operations, Yahya Sinwar, continues to evade Israeli forces.

Third, except for the exchange of a few hostages during a brief ‘humanitari­an pause’ last November, Israel has not been able to rescue its hostages. In fact, around 32 hostages are reported to have been killed in cross fire in the war, leading to an uproar and protests against Mr. Netanyahu in Israel.

For Hamas, it was a question of two clear objectives. The first is to remind the world that while talks of normalisat­ion and reconcilia­tion between Israel and the Arab world could go on, the cause for a Palestinia­n state could not be lost sight of. The second is to expose to the world, and especially its support base, the false sense of the invincibil­ity of the Israeli military and its intelligen­ce services. Hamas has succeeded on both counts. When it unleashed terror on Israel on October 7, Hamas would have calculated the costs of an Israeli counteroffensive into Gaza. For Hamas, it was not about winning the war militarily but making its voice heard.

It is always easy to start a war but very difficult to decide when and how to call it off. Ceasefires often occur more due to stalemated situations or internatio­nal pressure and less on account of military and political objectives. The U.S. war in

Afghanista­n is a classic example. Launched in October 2001 with the aim of ‘finishing off AlQaeda’, it became a war that dragged on till the U.S. finally made a messy exit in August 2021. The U.S. war in Iraq in 2003 is another example of a military offensive without a clearly defined exit strategy. The result? Although the Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein, was defeated within weeks, the war of attrition continued for years. The ongoing RussiaUkra­ine war too has dragged on for over two years with no ceasefire or exit.

Impact on Israel

Israel, therefore, has to be mindful of the possibilit­ies and the consequenc­es of a prolonged conflict which has military, economic and political costs. The Israeli Army has suffered losses and injuries to its personnel. Its economy is shrinking rapidly, with some estimates showing a decline of almost 20%. Politicall­y, it is becoming difficult for Mr. Netanyahu to hold on to his position, domestical­ly and internatio­nally. The U.S., Israel’s staunchest ally, has, in the past few weeks, made it clear that Israel has to restrain itself and cannot bank upon blanket support for any Israeli action in Gaza.

Israel launched the offensive in a state of rage and revenge. However, after the initial onslaught, and instead of reviewing its war strategy and politicomi­litary objectives, it continues to unleash punitive strikes into Gaza. Israel, therefore, needs to work out a clear and achievable end state. Militarily, Gaza has been defeated, but Hamas, as an organisati­on, is unlikely to be eliminated.

What is the most viable option then for Israel? An early ceasefire, withdrawal of forces from the Gaza Strip and using the recently flattened one kilometre strip along the Gaza border as surveillan­ce cum buffer zone, under 24X7 surveillan­ce, to prevent a recurrence of ‘another 07th October’, could be a possibilit­y. On hostages, Hamas would most likely agree to an exchange of hostages once Israel agrees to the above.

When it relates to the future and a twostate solution, all parties will have to go back to the drawing board and search for a timebound and acceptable solution. Israel and Palestine are bound by geography and destiny and the solution for a peaceful future will have to include major compromise­s and climbdowns from previously stated positions. If all this is agreed upon, both sides can then ensure a facesaving and smart exit from what is an unwinnable war in Gaza.

Gaza is an unwinnable conflict and Israel and Palestine, bound by geography and destiny, will need to search for major climbdowns

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