The Hindu (Hyderabad)

The Great Indian Bustard and climate action verdict

- Kanika Jamwal is a doctoral candidate in environmen­tal law at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore, Singapore

In a recent judgment, the Supreme Court of India has recognised the existence of a fundamenta­l right to be free from the adverse impacts of climate change (hereinafte­r ‘the right’). The judgment has garnered signicant attention from environmen­talists, mostly focusing only on its impacts on the protection of the Great Indian Bustard. Taking a more comprehens­ive view, this article analyses the judgment from the lens of inclusive climate action. It argues that rst, by limiting itself to only recognisin­g the right, the Court has allowed time and space for a productive discourse on the right’s content. Accordingl­y, this could enable a more informed articulati­on of the right in the future. Second, given the nature of the core issue in this case, using the just transition framework is an excellent approach forward. It can facilitate equitable climate action, including, articulati­on of a more reªexive and inclusive right.

The Right

The States of Rajasthan and Gujarat are home to the critically endangered Great Indian Bustard. At the same time, both States also hold signicant potential for the developmen­t of solar and wind power. In 2019, certain public-spirited individual­s (petitioner­s), led a public interest litigation, seeking conservati­on of the bustard. In the interim, they sought an order seeking a ban on further constructi­on of solar and wind energy infrastruc­ture, and the laying of overhead power transmissi­on lines linked to these. They argued that these power lines were a hazard, causing the bustards to die due to frequent collisions with the lines. In its decision the Supreme Court imposed a blanket ban on the laying of overhead power lines in an area of 99,000 square kilometres; this included areas identied as priority and potential areas for bustard conservati­on. The Court also passed an order for undergroun­ding existing power lines, both high and low voltage.

The government challenged this order citing India’s internatio­nal climate commitment­s on transition­ing to non-fossil fuels and reducing carbon emissions. It argued that the blanket ban was issued for an area much larger than the actual area in which the bustard dwells. This area, it reiterated, held a major proportion of the country’s wind and solar energy potential. Further, it argued that undergroun­ding power lines was practicall­y impossible. Lastly, it attributed the decline in the bustard population to other factors such as poaching, habitat destructio­n, and predation.

In its decision on March 21, 2024, the Court modied the earlier order, recalling the blanket prohibitio­n on transmissi­on lines. It left the recalibrat­ion of the order to scientic experts. To that end, it set up an expert committee to, inter alia, assess the feasibilit­y of undergroun­ding power lines, and identifyin­g measures for bustard conservati­on. This committee is required to submit its report by July 2024, after which the Court will pronounce its nal judgment.

In a rst, the Court used this opportunit­y to recognise the existence of a right against the adverse impacts of climate change. It noted that the right is recognised by the right to equality (Article 14) and the right to life (Article 21) enshrined under the Constituti­on of India. The Court began by explaining the threat posed by the impacts of climate change to the enjoyment of the right to life. Thereafter, it highlighte­d that disproport­ionate vulnerabil­ity to these impacts threatens the a‹ected persons’ right to equality. Concluding this discussion, the Court found that the source of the right is in a conjunctiv­e reading of judicial jurisprude­nce on Articles 21 and 14; India’s climate change action and internatio­nal commitment­s, and, the scientic consensus on the adverse impacts of climate change.

Notably, the Court recognised the existence of the right, but did not articulate it any further. Additional­ly, it also underlined the need for articulati­on. However, it steered clear of undertakin­g that task. Arguably, the conscious choice of not articulati­ng the right and only recognisin­g it departs from the Court’s usual practice in environmen­tal cases. Much of Indian environmen­tal law has developed through the Court’s judicial decisions in public interest cases. In several cases, it has transplant­ed, recognised, and articulate­d environmen­tal rights and legal principles. While appreciate­d for being proactive, this practice has been critiqued for judicial overreach and the creation of imprecise rights. Contrastin­gly, in this decision, the Court’s approach has been that of restraint. Arguably, this is an optimal approach at this early stage of the recognitio­n of the right — in that, it catalyses the discourse on climate rights, simultaneo­usly providing time and space for articulati­ng a more informed right.

However, it must be noted that the Court’s recognitio­n of the right does not appear in the operative part of the judgment. Therefore, it is not binding per se. While it will be instrument­al in shaping future climate action, the extent to which it can do so remains to be seen.

Just transition framework

The central issue at stake was limiting the adverse impacts of renewable energy projects on the bustard. As rightly noted by conservati­onist Debadityo Sinha, the judgment approaches the central issue as presenting two competing choices, i.e., either protecting biodiversi­ty or allowing mitigative climate action. In other words, it projects biodiversi­ty protection and climate action as adversaria­l choices.

Furthermor­e, the recognitio­n of the right is also contextual­ised in this approach which juxtaposed biodiversi­ty protection and mitigative climate action. Accordingl­y, the right so recognised only relates to protecting humans’ interests against climate change.

Going forward, adopting an alternativ­e approach could preclude this conundrum. This approach is: utilising the just transition framework. Currently being used in climate cases around the world, it aims to make transition­s to a low carbon economy more equitable and inclusive. It particular­ly serves the interests of those most a‹ected by such transition­s. This includes, inter alia, workers, vulnerable communitie­s, and small and medium-sized enterprise­s. Where the core issue is similar to the one in the present case, using the just transition­s framework is an excellent approach. In that it allows protecting underrepre­sented interests (in the instant case, of the bustard) being threatened by slow carbon transition projects (in this case, solar energy).

This approach is advantageo­us in three ways. First, it will preclude climate action and protection of biodiversi­ty from being pitted as adversaria­l choices. Instead, it can create a case for inclusive climate action, i.e., climate action alive to varied rights and interests. Second, it can enable the articulati­on of more reªexive and inclusive climate rights. To that end, utilising it in climate litigation can ensure that articulati­on and enforcemen­t of climate rights are sensitive to the interests of the non-human nature and furthers ecological justice. Third, if the framework is used in the nal decision of the Court, this case will be one of the rst just transition litigation­s to consider a non-human interest. Of the existing just transition litigation­s globally, only one other case concerns protecting the interests of the non-human environmen­t. Thus, the present case will be a frontrunne­r in such litigation. Theoretica­lly, it will contribute to expanding the concept of a just transition to considerin­g more than human interests.

A ‘shared burden’

Given that the nal decision of the Court is still pending, this is an excellent opportunit­y for the judiciary to use the just transition framework and facilitate inclusive and equitable climate action. A right against climate change has been recognised and is yet to be articulate­d. This provides a productive space for initiating a discourse on the content of the right — an opportunit­y to make it inclusive and e‹ective. However, this burden is a shared one. It falls not only on the state but also on activists, litigants, and academics — who provide content to rights by participat­ing (indirectly or directly) in the process of their recognitio­n, articulati­on, and enforcemen­t.

With the nal decision of India’s top court still pending, this is an ideal chance for the judiciary to pursue the just transition framework and enable inclusive and equitable climate action

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