For Dongria Kondhs, clearing their names from Naxal cases a priority before they vote
Decked in traditional attire, with hairpins adorning her head, rings on all 10 ngers, and colourful beads around her neck, Minjali Sikaka from the Dongria Kondh tribe in the secluded village of Lakhpadar, nestled within Odisha’s Niyamgiri hill range, appeared as though she was ready to grace a social gathering.
However, beneath the facade of her attire lies a truth untold — she was purportedly persuaded into surrendering as an active cadre of the banned CPI (Maoist), with the promise of being paid ₹2 lakh under the government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation scheme for Naxalites, in the presence of Rayagada Superintendent of Police
Harisha B.C, and fellow Dongria Kondh members. But she was not ready for this as it would have labelled her as Maoist and tainted her family name.
In Lakhpadar, where 32 families reside, she was not the sole inhabitant facing such allegations. Seven other villagers have faced such charges of alleged ties with the outlawed CPI (Maoist) over the past 15 to 20 years. Two of them have since passed away.
This pattern extends beyond Lakhpadar as numerous Dongria Kondh tribals have been detained and sent to jail by the authorities on suspicion of Maoist a¤liations.
Just last year, nine Dongria Kondh tribals and an activist from Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti were charged with sedition, only to have the charges later dropped by the police.
Frustrated by the continued branding of their community members as Naxalites along with their sympathisers, they announced a boycott of the upcoming elections.
“I have no association with the CPI (Maoist) whatsoever. It was a shock to me when police claimed I had ties to left-wing extremism. I have been living with my family in Lakhpadar, and have visited cities like Mumbai, Bhubaneswar, Bhopal, Rayagada, and the block headquarters town of Kalyansinghpur. If I were involved with the CPI (Maoist), I would never have ventured beyond my village,” Ms.
Minjali said. “Even though my family struggles nancially, I would never accept ₹2 lakh to surrender [to the police],” she added.
When asked to comment, Nilakantha Behera, inspector in-charge of Kalyansinghpur police station, acknowledged Ms. Minjali’s case but claried that it was an “old matter”.
Major political parties rarely visit the scattered settlements within Niyamgiri hill range, deeming it a ‘waste’ of time due to the dispersed population.
“We understand that we are not signicant enough in numbers to sway election outcomes for mainstream parties, but by boycotting the elections, we can at least assert our existence,” stated Ladda Sikaka, a community leader who faces numerous legal cases, many of them related to alleged Maoist connections.
“The Dongria tribes had never encountered cases related to the CPI (Maoist) until they opposed the bauxite mining plan in Niyamgiri hills. Our steadfast resistance led to the government abandoning the mining proposal, but we are paying a heavy price for safeguarding biodiversity.”
In the early 2000s, the Odisha Mining Corporation proposed bauxite mining in Niyamgiri, a rich biodiversity forested region, to supply Vedanta group’s alumina renery at Lanjigarh. The Supreme Court’s 2013 ruling mandated that mining clearance required consent from gram sabhas, including Dongria representatives, paving the way for what could be India’s rst environmental referendum.
The Dongria Kondhs overwhelmingly rejected the proposal.
Stating that Dongria Kondhs are unfairly burdened with criminal cases due to supposed connections with CPI (Maoist), Krushna Sikaka, recently released on bail after six months of incarceration, said, “While the boycott might seem insignicant, the underlying discontent runs far deeper.”
Dongria Kondhs’ villages fall under Bissamkatak Assembly constituency. They are represented by Jagannath Saraka, the Sate’s Tribal Development Minister. The region goes to poll on May 13.