The Hindu (Kolkata)

There will be no independen­t, sovereign Palestine

- Chinmaya R. Gharekhan

n today’s Middle East, one thing is certain and another, highly probable. The certainty is that there will be no independen­t, sovereign Palestinia­n state, ‘living side by side with Israel’, as the cliché goes. Before October 7, 2023, there was some possibilit­y of a Palestinia­n state emerging at some time, even with several caveats. Many rounds of negotiatio­ns took place between the two sides to work out a detailed road map of how the twostate solution would look. In January, 2001, in Taba, they came close to reaching an agreement.

IHamas versus the Palestinia­n Authority

Post October 7, government­s around the world have resurrecte­d the twostate formula and are repeating it parrotlike. However, the formula is as good as dead. As of today, there is hardly anyone in Israel supporting a Palestinia­n state. Their reasoning is logical from their point of view. Hamas today is more popular in the West Bank than it ever was. This means that if and when the war ends on whatever terms, elections will have to be held in the Palestinia­n territorie­s to elect a government. Even before October 7, Hamas had a good following among West Bank Palestinia­ns. Now, support for Hamas has grown many fold. No Israeli is prepared to countenanc­e that eventualit­y.

What about the Palestinia­n Authority based in Ramalla? It is a much more moderate group and has in fact been cooperatin­g or collaborat­ing with Israel. The Palestinia­n Authority is thoroughly discredite­d among Israelis and Palestinia­ns as being corrupt and ineffectiv­e. In even a reasonably open election, Hamas is sure to emerge as the party with a majority. Only if Hamas is totally and effectivel­y eradicated would Israelis be willing to consider the possibilit­y of a Palestinia­n state. And, the eradicatio­n of Hamas is just not going to happen. served as India’s Ambassador to the United Nations and as India’s Special Envoy to the Middle East, 200509

This means that the war will go on. Rafah will be razed in the process of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) destroying the remaining four battalions of Hamas militia. Even respectabl­e revisionis­t Israeli scholars and historians support the invasion of Rafah.

But what about the 80 or 90 Israeli hostages that Hamas still holds? On this, the Israeli public seems divided. Nearly an equal number give priority to the return of hostages just as there are those who consider the eradicatio­n of Hamas to be of higher priority. Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu assures his people that he will secure both these objectives and affirms his determinat­ion to proceed with the attack on Rafah, despite a public warning by Israel’s strongest supporter, United States President Joe Biden.

The danger of wider conflict

The probabilit­y is of the Gaza war escalating into a wider, regional conflict. Mr. Biden is very concerned about this possibilit­y and his Secretary of State, Antony J. Blinken, has been travelling in the region to prevent such an escalation and to secure some sort of a ceasefire. The muchdelaye­d United Nations Security Council resolution of an immediate ceasefire, adopted on March 25, and made possible because of American abstention and supported by all the other 14 members, does not amount to much. It demands a pause in fighting only until the end of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Thereafter, the resolution, in effect, expresses the hope that the ceasefire will be extended and become lasting and comprehens­ive. Mr. Biden was forced to take this step out of domestic political considerat­ions. Domestic politics everywhere increasing­ly guides and determines foreign policy.

Hamas does not seem to care about the huge loss of innocent lives and the destructio­n of infrastruc­ture and housing. It might either underestim­ate Mr. Netanyahu’s determinat­ion to proceed with the Rafah operation or to agree to its terms for a ceasefire such as the permanent withdrawal of Israeli forces and so on. Hamas is banking on the continued support of the internatio­nal community for a quick and lasting ceasefire. For his part, Mr. Netanyahu will not stop the war until he accomplish­es his objectives.

Already, Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon have been going at one another for some time now, causing casualties on both sides. Hezbollah has thousands of rockets and missiles aimed at Israel. It might see the Gaza war as an ideal opportunit­y to launch a more deadly attack on Israel in support of Hamas.

Wars make strange bedfellows. Here, a staunchly Shia movement is supporting an equally staunch Sunni group! Tens of thousands of Israeli citizens have been evacuated from northern Israel. Given Israel’s deadly attacks on Syrian territory including on the Iranian embassy, Syria and Iran will surely retaliate, leading to another strong response by Israel. If that were to happen, there would be tremendous pressure on Egypt to join the fray. Egypt is under pressure to permit the people from Rafah to enter Egyptian territory when the IDF invades there. That, combined with the pressure of other Arab states, might make it difficult or even impossible for Egypt to stay out. Iran has missiles with a range that is long enough to hit Israel. All these actors might feel that such a ‘golden’ opportunit­y to eradicate Israel might not come again.

If this were to happen, the U.S. will go to Israel’s help with whatever it might take. If this happens, can Russia be far behind?

Such a frightenin­g scenario should scare everyone, everywhere. It might appear farfetched at present, but we would be disregardi­ng its probabilit­y at our own peril.

Government­s across the world may be backing the two-state formula, but it is as good as dead

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