Caste census plus

Countingcastewillbeapseudo-radicalgestureunless coupledwithfundamentalshiftsinsocialjusticepolicy

quate database to measure backwardness.

Avaluableexercisesuchasthecastecensusinvitesmanyquestionsofcriticalimportance. But the publication of primary numbers has produced excitement irrespective oftherealimplicationsofacastecensus. One is the finding that the OBCS (as understood by the current methodology of deciding whichclassesarebackward) accountforover 60percentofbihar’spopulation. Butweforget that while the count tells us which caste has what numbers, backwardness of these groups is still something to be defined, debated and measured.

Current political wisdom takes recourse totheideathatall“shudra” communitiesare backward. This is a problematic and dangerous logic. Problematic because it refuses to take into account contemporary backwardnessinthesocialandeducationalrealm; dangerousbecauseitacceptstheideaofthehindu socialorderastheprismthroughwhichbackwardness and social justice are to be understood. In 1979-80, this was an unavoidable pathadoptedintheabsenceof verifiableand authenticdataonthesocio-economiccondition of various groups. With the tool of the castecensusnow, itisnecessarythattheprism of varna status is downplayed and concrete factors defining social and educational backwardnesstakenintoconsideration.

Secondly, thebiharnumbershavealready givenrisetodiscussionabouttheinadequacy of27percentreservationfortheobcs. Thisis indeed an important issue and politically attractive agenda given the numbers of communities that currently qualify as backward. Butrarelydoesoneseeintheongoingdiscussionanymentionofprinciplesthatshouldinform the question of extent of reservation. Rather, the principle of gross numbers alone is invoked: Obcsareabove60percent, solet us move beyond the 27 (and overall 50) per cent cap. This argument receives traction in view of the demands by various dominant communities for their inclusion among the backward classes. In other words, “reservation” as a tool of public policy is commonly understoodasaproportionalitymechanism. Ironically, thisistheargumentadoptedbythe lessbackwardratherthanthemorebackward.

A corollary to this, which will inevitably follow, istheargumentthatallcastesneedto receive the benefits proportionally. This will benefit the castes with larger numbers and federative organisational existence. The proportionalityargumentalsoignoresitsimpact on political representation. An investigation into the share of different caste blocs in positions of power has advantages and yet, if we stretch that logic, the same idea restructures the concept of representation to mean that every community can be represented truly onlybyitsownmembers. Thiscutsattheroots of the idea adopted by the Constitution, whereby it is possible for a representative to representamixedelectorate.

In this backdrop, how can we make better use of the data that a caste census will throwup? Itisnecessarytoinsistonpublication of all data — particularly data on socioeconomic conditions of caste groups. Communities trapped in menial work, traditionaloccupationsandprecariousemployment need to be identified.

The next step equally testing our collective patience will be to use the socio-economic data to map backwardness afresh. Thisstepwillfaceahurdlefromnumerically largerandrelativelylesshandicappedcastes. For them and for politicians seeking shortcuts to momentary popularity, it is far too convenienttoadheretopre-existingwisdom onbackwardnessandadoptradicalpostures without necessarily serving the cause of socialjustice. Butthissecondstepwilltrulydetermine whether we are willing to engage with the question of caste and social justice or want to engage in shadow-boxing in the context of empirically untested wisdom.

The third step will be to ensure that the morebackwardcommunitiesnotonlygetthe benefits of affirmative action in large measurebutalsoonprioritybasis. Thiswillrequire arevisitingoftheso-calledreservationregime and reimagining social justice policy. This would require three moves: Understanding backwardness holistically, that is, resulting from multiple systems of social discrimination; doing away with frozen blocks of more andlessbackwardsectionsandexperimenting with a backwardness index, and thirdly, incentivisinginprivateemploymentinclusion of personswithhighbackwardnessindex.

After all, counting caste can only be a pseudo-radicalgestureunlesscoupledwith more fundamental shifts in the social justice policy.

The writer, based in Pune, taught political science and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics