The Sunday Guardian

Hillary has to cross the Trans-Pacific hurdle

If Clinton flips on the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p, it could fundamenta­lly rip the US Democratic Party apart.

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MONTREAL: This past week, at its convention in Philadelph­ia, the Democratic Party officially chose Hillary Clinton as its candidate for President of the United States of America. Unlike the Republican Party and its candidate Donald Trump, the Democratic Party has consistent­ly been supportive of Hillary Clinton’s candidacy. Perhaps, opponents say, even too supportive. The start of the convention witnessed the very unusual resignatio­n of the Chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC), Florida Representa­tive Debbie Wasserman Schultz. Wikileaks had just published thousands of Democratic Party internal emails showing, among others things, a clear bias against Clinton’s main challenger, Bernie Sanders.

Reinforcin­g the perception that the Democratic Party is tightly aligned to the Clintons, Wasserman Schultz was replaced by Donna Brazile, who had previously worked for Bill Clinton. Brazile was also a regular CNN contributo­r, adding fuel to the arguments put forth by Bernie Sanders’ supporters that not only was the Party backing Clinton, so was the mainstream media.

At the convention, Bernie Sanders, who didn’t have enough delegates to win the nomination, officially endorsed Hillary Clinton. After spending months explaining to his supporters what he thought was wrong with Clinton, he essentiall­y ended up asking his backers to support her if only to block Trump. There was loud booing from the convention floor. Almost immediatel­y, the hashtag #DemExit went viral. Evoking the idea of an “exit” from the Democratic Party, it captured the feeling among some Sanders supporters that the Party is rigged, and doesn’t listen to them, and represent them.

The question is how will that frustratio­n evolve? The Party seems to be assuming that, in the end, it won’t matter. If the anger stays a diffuse discontent, it might be right. However, already it seems to be coalescing around one issue in particular, the TransPacif­ic Partnershi­p (TPP) free trade agreement. The twelve countries involved in the TPP are the US, Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore and Vietnam. Combined, they cover around 800 million people, and around 40% of global trade. The idea is to create a sort of single market that would pull the Pacific economic centre of gravity away from China. High profile US supporters include President Obama, Vice President Joe Biden, and Vice Presidenti­al nominee Tim Kaine. Clinton said she is against it, but some are not sure if that position is just one of political expedience given concern over the TPP within the Party rank and file.

The twelve countries signed the agreement in February 2016. For it to go into effect, it needs to be ratified by at least six of the countries, comprising 85% of the economic activity of the group by February 2018. That means both Japan and the US would have to ratify. Japan supports it. So it will likely be up to the next President of the US to see it through. Or to kill it.

Sanders was vocal against the TPP. Negotiated in secret, the voluminous agreement seems to have evolved into an old fashioned corporate agreement, covering over 18,000 tariffs and entire sectors such as intellectu­al property and pharma. Sanders said the TPP could be hugely damaging to the US. Of particular concern was the Investor-State Dispute Settlement mechanism that seems to allow for foreign corporatio­ns to challenge the laws of sovereign states in third countries. This might mean, for example, a private corporatio­n could sue a country in a court outside that country, if it thought the country’s healthcare or education systems were detrimenta­l to the company’s rights under the TPP. The TPP may have started as a 21st century geopolitic­al construct, but as a result of the influences in the negotiatio­ns, some say it has become just 20th century old school geoeconomi­cs. That risks underminin­g the whole geopolitic­al point as the hard edged US corporate interests could potentiall­y alienate those who are supposed to be US political allies. For example, some groups in the Pacific are concerned that access to affordable medicine, for example from India, might be affected. That could cause domestic political discontent, potentiall­y leading to instabilit­y. Similarly, some regional agricultur­al groups are concerned about long-term domestic food security if their sectors cannot be protected, again potentiall­y contributi­ng to instabilit­y during an already tense time in the region.

All this spilled over on the convention floor. The speeches by Biden, Kaine and even Obama were faced by demonstrat­ors holding up anti-TPP signs. Anti-TPP demonstrat­ors stormed the media enclave. And the TPP became the issue that coalesced Sanders’ supports and spurred the #DemExit movement.

There is support for their position among some major Democrats. Hawaii Congresswo­man Tulsi Gabbard, a friend of India, supported Sanders and is anti-TPP. She has also said: “I have raised and continue to see concerns with Hillary Clinton’s foreign policy.” She is very popular among the grassroots.

The Party is behind Clinton. What is less clear is how many members are still behind their own party. In particular, if Clinton flips on the TPP, it could fundamenta­lly rip the party apart.

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