Muslims do not need to wear patriotism on the sleeve

Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh, while speaking of the achievements of the Narendra Modi Government recently, proudly proclaimed. “We have by and large, provided security to the country. India is the second largest country as far as Muslim population in the world is concerned…and can say with full responsibility that despite such a large population (of Muslims), the IS has not been able to set foot (in India).” It is not clear whether this was a compliment regarding the patriotism of Indian Muslims or he was saying that notwithstanding such a large population of Muslims, the intelligence agencies have been able to control the security situation. I hope it is not the latter because that would be uncalled for and unjustly maligning the Muslim community. In fact, Singh should openly say that the patriotism of Indian Muslims is no less than that of any other community, including Hindus. And that anyone suggesting otherwise is talking treason. Muslims do not have to wear their patriotism on their sleeves. In fact the equanimity being shown by Muslims is praiseworthy. If the minister is keen to keep peace in the country, then he needs to make the government withdraw the recent animal slaughter rule, which is being opposed by many states apart from being challenged in court. The legislation, while purporting to be for prevention of cruelty to animals, is a ploy to snatch jurisdiction by the Centre on the subject of cattle market, which comes within the jurisdiction of state legislation.

Minister for Environment Harsh Vardhan says that the government is open to suggestions. This is sound considering that half the states are opposed to this legislation. This legislation will also result in ruination for poor Muslims, who earn their living through these sales. Let us not forget what the Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in August 2016: “It makes me angry that people are running shops in the name of cow protection... Some people indulge in antisocial activities at night, and in the day masquerade as cow protectors.”

As for the National Minority Commission, it has been constituted after remaining vacant for months. It now comprises five persons, with one Muslim as chairperson and one each from other minorities. This too was done after the High Court asked the government for response to a writ petition filed before it.

According to the 2011 Census, Hindus are 79.8% in India and Muslims 14.2%. The rest 6% are other minorities, with Christians 2.3%, Sikhs 1.7%, Buddhists 0.7%, Jains 0.4%, etc. The objective of the National Minority Commission is to create a mechanism, which would give confidence to the minorities to feel that they have equal stakes in the running of the state and are equal beneficiaries of state programmes. It is hoped that the other two members to be appointed will be Muslims either from amongst well known aca- demicians or public figures from the community.

The report by the UN Human Rights Council, Forum on Minority issued on 14-15 December 2010 has also made some significant recommendations on minorities and their effective participation in economic life, which each country is mandated to follow. The Council emphasises: “Consequently, the right of minorities to participate effectively in economic life must be fully taken into account by governments seeking to promote equality at every level. From implementing non-discrimination in employment and enforcing protection laws in the private sector to developing national economic development and international development assistance schemes.”

It is unfortunate that the Opposition has not come up with specific programmes, with which it intends to fight the 2019 elections. In fact the Opposition has become a debating/TV phenomenon. It has no specific programme of action. The way the Congress and other political parties let wither away the opportunity which arose from the events of Saharanpur speaks ill of their commitment to the minorities. The UP Director General of Police has issued instructions to his officers that those involved in cow slaughter should be booked under the National Security Act, a legislation meant for terrorists. This dilutes the effect of the anti-terror fight and should be reversed by UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Delhi’s first Chief Minister, Chaudhury Brahm Prakash was remembered on his 99th birth anniversary on Friday, ironically, by the Aam Aadmi Party, which has managed to displace the Congress he had successfully led to several spectacular victories in the 1950s and 1960s. Brahm Prakash, who was elected to the Lok Sabha four times, also served as a Union minister in the Charan Singh government and is considered as the first of the iconic leaders of the city whose domination over politics of his era was complete in every sense of the word. He nurtured many upcoming activists of his time and did not hesitate in taking on the Congress high command to express his views on various political issues.

Other than Brahm Prakash, only two other leaders— H.K.L. Bhagat, hailed by many as the uncrowned king of Delhi and Madan Lal Khurana, the hard working firebrand Bharatiya Janata Party politician—have left an indelible imprint on the capital’s political scenario. Sheila Dikshit may go down in history as the longest serving Chief Minister of Delhi, but she was never the city’s leader in the true sense and did not leave any legacy in terms of developing young aspirants other than her own son, Sandeep Dikshit so as to provide future direction to the party.

If today, the Congress is to objectively evaluate and dissect its plight, Dikshit’s contribution in bringing down the party would be marked in red lines. It will also remain a matter of regret both for Dikshit and the Congress, that her son, despite being a two-term MP from East Delhi, has minimal following, and given this backdrop, it is unlikely that he would ever be elected to the Lok Sabha from the city. Incidentally, he lately was in the news for making derogatory comments about the Army Chief, the consequence being that he was rebuffed by Rahul Gandhi.

Brahm Prakash was an extremely self assertive and magnetic leader, who joined public life in the wake of the Quit India movement in 1942 and in a short time rose to occupy the primary slot in Delhi’s politics. He was greatly influenced by Jawaharlal Nehru and C.K. Nair, a two-time MP from Outer Delhi, whom he described as his “political guru”. It was thus no surprise when Nehru hand-picked him to be the first Chief Minister of Delhi after the Delhi Assembly was constituted in the 1950s. Brahm Prakash, then in his early 30s, cast his spell on the city’s complex political landscape and meticulously selected the core members of his political team, which included Shiv Charan Gupta, Brij Mohan, H.K.L. Bhagat, Sikander Bakht, Subhadra Joshi and Kishor Lal, to name a few.

However, he fell out with the top leadership of the party soon after Gobind Ballabh Pant was inducted in the Union Cabinet and wanted his removal on the ground that the young CM had the audacity to ask for a Greater Delhi region. Nehru, who had been defending him, was also upset when Brahm Prakash supported the sentiments behind the demand for a separate Punjabi Suba, as raised for the first time by Master Tara Singh. The outcome was that he was initially replaced by Gurmukh Nihal Singh and gradually the Assembly was dissolved, paving the way for the creation of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi in 1958.

Brahm Prakash’s sway continued to influence Congress politics and in 1962, when the Congress came to power in the municipal body, his protégés dominated the political discourse. Brij Mohan was appointed the president of the Indian Youth Congress, the DPCC and the chairman of the Standing Committee of the corporation. Brahm Prakash’s overbearing authority was evident when, one day, he slapped Brij Mohan in full public view after being incensed over some happening. The victim took it sportingly and when asked by the media to give details about the incident, retorted that Brahm Prakash was a father figure and therefore it was not an episode to dwell over.

Brahm Prakash towered over others, ensuring that his group continued to play a stellar part in Delhi’s affairs though some of his associates like H.K.L. Bhagat fell out and began plotting against him. He repaid them back and made certain that they were either denied party tickets or were vanquished in the polls. Bhagat, after being continuously humiliated, was able to convince Indira Gandhi that there was a need for her to make her own group in Delhi, since Brahm Prakash would never support her. In the 1967 elections, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh made important gains in the city, winning five Lok Sabha seats with Brahm Prakash being the sole Congress winner.

Bhagat proved to be a chip off the old block and over the years managed to create his own space in Delhi’s politics. His group was at the forefront of the city’s politics. At one stage in the 1980s, soon after the Congress wrested power from the Janata Party, there was hardly a politician in the party, save Jagdish Tytler, who had not been groomed by Bhagat.

Brahm Prakash died a lonely man after being trounced in his last election from East Delhi in 1984 by Bhagat in a triangular fight, which also featured his other disciple, Kishor Lal. All said and done, he was truly a man who inspired promising politicians of his era. Between us.