Congress is being paid back in its own coin

Congress cannot complain about what is happening to it.

Not many will now remember Mohan Lal Sukhadia. The veteran Congressman was the Chief Minister of Rajasthan for 17 years, beginning 1954. When Indira Gandhi split the Congress in 1969, Sukhadia was all set to throw his lot with her Syndicate rivals. That is until the backroom managers of Indira Gandhi resorted to blackmail—and neutralised the strongman of the Rajasthan Congress.

What helped Indira Gandhi achieve her objective was the blatant misuse of the intelligence agencies. The Ram Nath Kao-led RAW too bolstered Indira Gandhi’s cause— as the Opposition leaders said at the time, the “Kashmiri Pandit mafia” was active behind the scenes on her behalf.

Apparently, it was her Principal Secretary P. N. Haksar who had word sent to Sukhadia about the Sadri gold case. In 1965, over 240 kilograms of gold were found buried in a haveli in Chhotti Sadri in the Mewar region. Suspicion was that a good part of the treasure belonged to Sukhadia. The matter was still under dispute in courts when Indira Gandhi’s operatives used the Sadri threat to tame Sukhadia.

Once the Syndicate was vanquished, the story goes, Haksar felt anguished at the continuing misuse of intelligence agencies, income tax authorities, etc. Little did he realise when he sanctioned Sukhadia’s capitulation that his own bitter medicine would be administered to him as well—the Haksar family-owned Pandit Brothers outlet of the then popular Bombay Dyeing in Connaught Place was raided on Sanjay Gandhi’s orders. Apparently, the heir apparent had taken an intense dislike to the intellectually-minded family retainer.

Now, return to circa 2017. Having poisoned the political system, ridding it of all concerns about scruples and propriety, the Congress cannot complain about what is happening to it. What is happening to it in Bengaluru, or in Gandhinagar is that it is being paid back in its own coin. Only the naïve will believe that the raids on the money-collecting Karnataka minister have nothing to do with the Rajya Sabha poll from Gujarat, scheduled for 8 August. Or that the highvoltage action is not meant to thwart the bid of Sonia Gandhi’s political secretary Ahmad Patel for yet another RS term. Patel is a resourceful man with friends across the political spectrum. Yet, even Patel will find it hard to counter the charge that for ten years under the UPA he choreographed every move by the Central agencies to target the Modi-Shah duo. Shah in particular had to spend time in prison, was exiled out of Gujarat, and in general had a very, very harrowing time all through the UPA decade.

For sure, no one in his right mind would condone the abuse of coercive instruments of the State to intimidate citizens. But the dramatic events attendant upon the 8 August RS poll are foregrounded in the travails and troubles of the Modi-Shah duo in the UPA decade. Not a stone was spared to cow them down. It is to their credit that not only did they survive the ordeal, but lived to thrash their tormentors and then shout the old and reliable truth: As you sow, so shall you reap. Meanwhile, should Ahmad Patel still win, his stock is certain to rise in a party which has been starved of good news for a long time. It is early days yet, but news from UP cannot be music to the ears of those who chose to put the saffronclad Yogi Adityanath in the chief ministerial chair. Poor man, it seems, is out of his depth, getting a grip on the administration. It may be so because running a state is quite different from running a math. And UP, mind you, is no ordinary state. So unwieldy and so populous, so poor and so backward is UP that it can test the talents and the resolve of the most experienced of administrators.

And our dear Yogi Maharaj, you know, is supposed to begin learning the A, B, C of governance on the job, not having headed even a small municipality thus far. Given the mess in which the police and civil services were thanks to the sway of one caste and one family in UP till very recently, it requires a thoroughly clued-up chief executive to set things right. Granted, years of abuse and misrule cannot be undone overnight. But early signs are far from encouraging. This is also the impression of a number of BJP leaders from the state. The BJP leaders were not very enthusiastic when the Yogi showed up in the Central Hall of Parliament the other day. Hardly anyone from the ruling party rushed to greet him. Apparently, he was here to meet the Prime Minister and other senior ministers. Some ruling party members believed that he had been summoned by the PM to be administered a gentle but firm warning to get his act together.

It is undeniable that Yogi means well, but he is hamstrung by his own lack of experience, especially when confronted by entrenched vested interests all around. Of course, members of the police force and the lower administrative ranks, who had thrived under the Yadav Raj could be relied upon to make things difficult for the new government, but the onus to overcome these inbuilt obstacles was on the Yogi and his ministers. No purpose can be served by blaming the previous regime for the continuing mess in the police and civil administration.

Of course, there are those who argue that there has already been an incremental improvement on the law and order front. But the change is yet not felt by the ordinary people. BJP chief Amit Shah is said to be personally monitoring the UP situation. On his recent visit to Lucknow he is said to have done a bit of plain-speaking, putting the ministers on notice about the urgency to rid UP of the trademark rotten and corrupt governance.

For sure, the well- entrenched crooks and criminals, who had had a field day under the Yadav and Mayawati regimes, would try and fight back, making things difficult for the BJP. But the onus is on the new rulers to neutralise these elements so that there is a palpable improvement in the law and order situation and the same is felt by the ordinary people. Unfortunately, of this there is not much evidence as yet. UP still cries for an end to the lawlessness that was the leitmotif of the Yadav Raj till very recently. A circular issued by the administration of Daman and Diu has enjoined upon all government servants to “celebrate the festival of Raksha Bandhan on 7th August 2017 in all offices/ departments which shall remain open and celebrate the festival collectively at a suitable time wherein all the lady staff shall tie Rakhis to their colleagues.” Issued by Deputy Secretary Gurpreet Singh of the Department of Personnel on 1 August, the circular further adds that “attendance report should be furnished by 5.00 pm on 8th August.” By quitting from a Mahagathbandhan dispensation led by him and forming a government with the support of his arch adversary, the BJP, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has destroyed not only his own credibility but the hopes of the entire Opposition, which, in 2019, wanted to wrest power from Prime Minister Narendra Modi. As if the body-blow to the Opposition unity was not enough, Nitish has proclaimed that there was no challenge left for Modi in the next round of Parliamentary polls. The question that arises is that did the Janata Dal (United) leader make this announcement since he was no longer a claimant for the coveted position, or did his statement amount to his primary expression of sycophancy to the party he is now fully beholden to continue in power?

The BJP in general, and Modi, Amit Shah and Sushil Modi in particular, need to be complimented for the clinical precision with which they implemented their blueprint to break the alliance in the Hindi heartland. As far as they are concerned, they cannot be faulted for their actions, because that is the way the BJP has been functioning lately and to expect anything else would have been delusional. However, Nitish was groomed to be a leader in the best traditions of socialist politics and, therefore, it was assumed that he would not rock the boat, so as to commit political suicide as well as damage his erstwhile allies to such a severe degree.

Given that Lalu Prasad Yadav is incorrigible, and thus was unlikely to yield any space to his J.P. movement friend, in order for him to have a free-hand in the running of the government, which was formed after inflicting a crushing defeat on the BJP in the last Assembly polls. The Congress, with its own cup filled with despair, was merely a silent spectator, also largely because its general secretary in-charge, C.P. Joshi, has little comprehension of state politics, and is equally guilty of being inaccessible. However, Nitish has been a seasoned politician, who should have understood the consequences of defying the mandate of the people. The electorate of Bihar had reposed its faith in not only him, but in the Grand Alliance, which was representative of the combination of castes and communities. Hence, even if politics has won, democracy has lost.

Nitish’s political acrobatics could make him do a trapeze act, in which every step he takes would now be dependent on the whims and fancies of the BJP, which obviously sees a grand opportunity in the demolition of the Mahagathbandhan. The only matter he should wish for is that the BJP does not leave him in the lurch, thereby in the uncertainties of realpolitik hurtling him to his downfall.

The Bihar Chief Minister has, in the past, been an integral part of the NDA and has consequently done business with the BJP, while it was led by leaders close to both Atal Behari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani. He should have realised that today’s BJP is not the same party he was associated with, and now he would have to seek permission for every baby-step. Therefore, he has to be prepared to play subservient to an ideology which has no similarity with the one he professes to follow.

It is correct that for Ram Manohar Lohia, decidedly the tallest socialist leader of this country, anti-Congressism was a predominant factor in politics. Nevertheless, Lohia loathed communalism even more, and given the choice to pick the greater evil of the two, he would have chosen communalism. In fact, Nitish has followed in the footsteps of George Fernandes, who despite being Lohia’s favourite disciple, had been the key player in aligning the socialists with the BJP during the Vajpayee era.

The Bihar episode has further eroded the foundation of socialist politics. Taking into account the fickleness of socialist leaders, there is a running joke in political circles which showcases how they (the socialists) cannot remain together for more than two years, nor apart for more than three years. When they are not squabbling with others, they are sparring amongst themselves. This illustration reflects the fluid stands adhered to by socialist leaders over the past several decades. Nitish is not the only one who is disillusioned with his socialist colleagues like Lalu Prasad Yadav; Mulayam Singh Yadav, too, seems to be tilting towards the BJP by drifting away from his son, Akhilesh Yadav, who virtually controls his Samajwadi Party now.

The Opposition is indeed groping in the dark to locate the mantra to take on Modi in 2019. However, if the BJP has to repeat its 2014 success story, it would now have to seriously act on its promises of creating more jobs, initiating action against the corrupt and providing relief to farmers, as well as the poorer sections of society. Modi had raised huge expectations by giving abundant assurances, and despite the failings of his government on many counts, he continues to be the most sought-after leader. He has vanquished his opponents in a preponderantly methodical manner, leaving the entire Opposition in dishevelled disarray. The challenge for him, if it arises, would be from within. The BJP needs to look inwards and scour for answers to problems facing the country. The passport to triumph in 2019 is the execution of its manifesto and commitments. Between us.