The Sunday Guardian

Malaysia’s PM says prevented Najib from leaving country

- REUTERS

Immigratio­n authoritie­s issued an overseas travel ban on Najib and his wife earlier in the day, amid reports that the government was reopening investigat­ions into a multi-billion-dollar graft scandal at a state fund 1Malaysia Developmen­t Berhad.

The decision was announced just minutes after Najib said in a Facebook post that he and his family were taking a week-long holiday overseas to rest after his thumping defeat in Wednesday’s general election.

Mahathir also said he had replaced the country’s attorney general, who had cleared Najib of all wrongdoing in the 1MDB scandal.

“We have placed a number of restrictio­ns on certain people who have been involved in wrongdoing or making wrong decisions,” he said. “So at the moment we no longer have an attorney-general.”

He also said he had instructed that a 1MDB report that was classified as an official secret during Najib’s term be released.

A former prime minister for 22 years, Mahathir returned to politics after a feud with Najib over the 1MDB scandal, and teamed up with an opposition alliance including former foe Anwar Ibrahim.

Anwar, 70 is serving a five-year sentence for sodomy, a charge he and his supporters say was politicall­y motivated. Mahathir has said the king has indicated to him that a royal pardon for Anwar would be announced soon.

“This process has certain rules and regulation­s that we have to adhere to,” Mahathir said.

“So we will expedite this as soon as possible, for his release and for his pardon. As to his role in the future, that will be determined by the party.” Last week, the United Nations urged Myanmar to take action against those responsibl­e for the ongoing Rohingya crisis in the country’s Rakhine state. While Myanmar’s politics and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s role have been internatio­nally criticised, another less understood mystery remains the justificat­ion of violence by the clergy of a religion that was founded on the principles of peace-building. In a conversati­on with The Sunday Guardian, Professor Khin Zaw Rin, director of the Tampadipa Institute, a Yangon-based capacity-building institutio­n, who has also been a political prisoner, a former government employee with the Ministry of Health in Myanmar and a human rights activist who has been closely working with the Rohingya camps, gave a local’s perspectiv­e of the Rohingyas and the politics behind the issue. Excerpts: Q: What is the response of the common Budhhist folk in Myanmar towards the “Rohingya crisis”? How do they understand and discuss it in their drawing rooms? A: Firstly, “common Buddhist folk” are not very interested at all in the Rohingya issue. Secondly, if they are interested, they see it as something concerning “illegal immigrants”—people who don’t belong to Myanmar. Q: To what do you attribute the Buddhist clergy’s validation of violence against Rohingyas? A: Now we are talking about the extremist, ultra-nationalis­t monks. Political monks like Wirathu use the Rohingya and Muslim issues as platforms of support and to attack Suu Kyi. Senior, prominent monks like Sitagu Sayadaw went one step further and validated violence at a military training school. By this, he garners the military’s favour. (He is already perhaps the wealthiest monk in Myanmar). There is very little “ideology” in all this. It is all about personal and political gain. Q. Is the Rohingya crisis affecting Aung San Su Kyi’s popularity in context of the upcoming elections in Myanmar? A: Yes and no. She is losing political support for other reasons, but the way she handled the Rakhine crisis also plays a part. On the other hand, both she and the military are relying on populism to retain popular support. The National League for Democracy (NLD) and the military are seeking to outdo each other, and that means neither side can afford to be seen as being soft on the Rohingyas. That is why the Internatio­nal Criminal Court (ICC) proceeding­s are so important. This is probably the only brake we have against the military and Suu Kyi. Both sides are going to be buffeted and this is a good opportunit­y for alternativ­e voices and leaders to emerge. Q: The UN has suspected a genocide against Rohingyas in Myanmar and has also sought investigat­ion, but has not yet supported demands to refer Myanmar to the Internatio­nal Criminal Court. Do you think the UN is invested enough in resolving the Rohingya crisis? A: I know there are limitation­s on what the UN can do. But right now, it is the best hope. The United Nations Security Council will come up with something strong, but remember that the ICC can proceed on its own, and is doing so. Resolving the Rohingya crisis will require the pooling of the resources of many stakeholde­rs. We cannot allow the issue to linger as had been the case in the past.

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