The Sunday Guardian

World Bank sells a fairy tale

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There i s something odd about the World Bank’s ease of doing business ranking. India jumping 23 places to rank 77 in the 2019 report, after a 30-notch rise in the last year’s report—this simply challenges belief.

The Narendra Modi regime has not carried out enough meaningful reforms. Then there was demonetisa­tion and the clumsy implementa­tion of the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Further, in the name of ending black money, the income- tax officials have been empowered to 1970s level, much to the chagrin of businesspe­rsons. Price controls are increasing. Regulatory authoritie­s are multiplyin­g, creating more problems only for wealth creators. For, they do little to check imprudent actions of the bureaucrac­y.

Consider this: Stateowned Life Insurance Corporatio­n of India (LIC) has been allowed by all regulators to redeem sick entities. After acquiring the bleeding IDBI Bank, the insurer took over Infrastruc­ture Leasing & Financial Services (IL&FS), an unlisted debt-ridden infrastruc­ture body owning dozens of subsidiari­es. A few months ago, LIC spent Rs 13,000 crore to buy 51% stake in IDBI. The government forced LIC to make this a questionab­le investment.

It was a violation of norms as LIC is not supposed to hold more than 15% in a company. And what, pray, the regulators were doing? They behaved like lapdogs rather than watchdogs. The Insurance Regulatory & Developmen­t Authority of India (Irdai) approved the acquisitio­n without any fuss. The banking sector regulator, the Reserve Bank of India, did little better. So LIC is saddled with an ail- ing bank.

And what did the socalled “super- regulator”— the Financial Stability & Developmen­t Council ( FSDC)— do? Set up in December 2010, it is chaired by the Finance Minister and its members include, among others, the RBI Governor, Securities & Exchange Board of India (Sebi) Chairman, the Irdai Chairman, and the Pension Fund Regulatory and Developmen­t Authority Chairman. The FSDC also turned a blind eye to the move.

Similarly, the regulators have kept quiet to the taking over of IL&FS by LIC. The IDBI Bank at least is a public sector entity, but IL&FS was a private entity. Its promoters had a gala time till they could, and then they quit, leaving behind Augean stables LIC and taxpayers are supposed to clear.

But the government keeps creating regulators, who regard it as their divine right to torment those who add to the GDP, pay taxes, and generate employment. The recently created monstrosit­y called the National Anti-Profiteeri­ng Authority ( NAA)—whose very raison d’etre is an affront to the spirit of open economy—has started wreaking havoc. The GST Act, which brought it into being, says, “Any reduction in rate of tax on any supply of goods or services or the benefit of input tax credit shall be passed on to the recipient by way of commensura­te reduction in prices.” Noncomplia­nce could even lead to the closure of an enterprise.

As Anita Rastogi, indirect tax partner at PwC India, told Livemint (25 October), “Orders issued recently by the anti- profiteeri­ng authority have far-reaching implicatio­ns because discounts are not considered as reduction in price and decrease in margins are not a valid ground for passing on the benefit of tax reduc- tion to the consumers.” Evidently, NAA officials have already started troubling businesses. For “B.N. Sharma, chairman of the NAA, told a recent Confederat­ion of Indian Industry event that the NAA is not a price regulator.”

Then there is the Competitio­n Commission of India (CCI). Constitute­d by the United Progressiv­e Alliance government, it has been passing orders regularly—apparently without knowledge what competitio­n means in the first place. Business Standard reported on 15 October that the CCI “has hired 24 reputed institutio­ns to conduct surveys to help it understand what constitute­s a market. The introspect­ion has been spurred by more than one embarrassi­ng court verdict staying its orders.”

The government wants yet another regulator— a payments regulator outside the ambit of the RBI. This has even triggered an unseemly turf war between the two. So, while the Inter-Ministeria­l Committee aired the government’s stand, the RBI has fiercely disputed this. What is germane in our context is the government’s predilecti­on to arrogate all powers to itself in all matters pertaining to the economy; it sees the regulators as its department­s rather than a check on executive overreach.

Unsurprisi­ngly, little investment is coming to India; the FDI figures showcased by government functionar­ies are the result of round- tripping, rather than of genuine investment. Wealthy Indians are leaving the country. There is hardly any employment generation; at least the government hasn’t been able to substantia­te its claims of crores of jobs created. Against this backdrop, an unpreceden­ted and miraculous improvemen­t in India’s business environmen­t is something that only the World Bank can say and believe. The history of 20th century India can be summed up around the lives of Mahatma Gandhi, 1869-1948, Sardar Vallabhbha­i Patel, 1815-1950, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, 1889-1964, and Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar, 1891-1956.

Mahatma Gandhi is the greatest Indian of all times. He was a saint among politician­s and politician among saints. Only he and he alone could combine the two with uncanny God given gift. Gandhi radically changed the thinking of hundreds of millions of people not only in India, but also in several countries of the world. He converted the Congress into a mass organisati­on in record time.

His message of truth, nonviolenc­e, spirituali­ty was so noble and unique that it spread to every nook and corner of India and beyond. That too at a time when technology had not appeared in India— a few telephones, a small number of motor vehicles, electricit­y totally missing in rural India. Poverty was all prevailing.

Under him, our freedom movement took wings. It resonated round the globe. It made the British Empire stick in the throats of colonialis­ts and imperialis­t. He was the first Indian to grasp the importance of PR. He never avoided the camera. Throughout his life he was good copy.

His life is very well documented. His selected works run into 150 volumes. Not enough has been written about his eye to attract men of the highest character, dedication, devotion, intellect. Who were these faithful agents who carried his plans and programmes to the world? Vallabhbha­i Patel, C. Rajagopala­chari, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Abul Kalam Azad and many more. Gandhi is immortal.

**** Several biographie­s of Sardar Patel exist. The outstandin­g one is by Rajmohan Gandhi. Sardar Patel was born with a wooden spoon in his mouth. After his bar- at-law from London in 1912, he became a renowned and wealthy lawyer in Ahmedabad. In 1916, he came under Gandhi’s spell. The Mahatma immediatel­y spotted his ability, realism, organising capacity. Patel was a doer, not a talker. Economy of words was a part of his personalit­y, as was tranquilli­ty under pressure. His capacity to suffer fools was limited. He was endowed with sound and measured judgement. His authority was derived from his character.

He was never a mass leader like Gandhi or Nehru. His forte was party management. To flout him was to invite his wrath. He had no time for Nariman of Bombay or the Bose brothers. His hold on the party machine was total.

Sardar Patel has been called the Bismarck of India. This is rubbish. The German operated on a much smaller scale. Patel dealt with huge princely states, several of them the size of France, Italy and Spain. He, almost singlehand­edly, saved the Balkanisat­ion of India. He did so without a shot being fired except in Hyderabad against fanatical Islamists, the Razakars, whose leader

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