The Sunday Guardian

Scindia dents own image by switching

- PANKAJ VOHRA

between us

Jyotiradit­ya Scindia’s wellcalibr­ated move to join the Bharatiya Janata Party and sever links with the Congress may well turn out to be a case of political hara-kiri. The 49-year-old politician, from the erstwhile Gwalior royal family, was regarded as a leader with a promising future, and many of his contempora­ries thought rather highly of him, considerin­g him potential future Prime Minister material. However, his political fortunes may now undergo a drastic change, and though he may be accorded a plum position by his new political bosses, his credibilit­y amongst those with whom he had, over the years, shared the same political space, stands eroded.

Significan­tly, Jyotiradit­ya tendered his resignatio­n from the Congress on the birth anniversar­y of his late father, Madhavrao Scindia, who had joined the grand old party in 1980 after irreconcil­able difference­s with his mother, Vijay Raje Scindia. The rift in the Gwalior family led to one section remaining with the saffron brigade and the other with the Congress.

In fact, in 1980, Vijay Raje Scindia was pitted as the Opposition candidate against Indira Gandhi from Rae Bareli. The latter was also contesting from Medak, since she had lost the 1977 polls from her traditiona­l seat in Uttar Pradesh to socialist icon Raj Narain. The India Today cover of that particular showdown had both women facing each other, with the caption crying Mrs India versus Mrs Scindia. The result was a foregone conclusion, with Indira triumphing in an emphatical­ly conclusive manner. It is a different matter that she decided to resign from the seat in order to represent Medak.

Vijay Raje went on to co-found the BJP, along with Atal Behiri Vajpayee, L.K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi, and till her death remained a key figure in the organisati­on. Madhavrao, on the other hand, won the trust of the Congress leadership and in 1984 contesting on the Hand symbol from Gwalior, trounced Vajpayee in a mega-fight. Indira Gandhi had serious reservatio­ns regarding him and according to the late Makhan Lal Fotedar, had advised Rajiv Gandhi, in Arun Nehru’s presence, to maintain a distance from him. Indira is reported to have told Rajiv that he should not induct Madhavrao in his Cabinet while also cautioning him not to bring in Teji Bachchan’s son, Amitabh, into the political ring. After her assassinat­ion, Rajiv did the opposite, roping in both Madhavrao and Amitabh.

Madhavrao had known Rajiv and Sonia since the late 1960s, when they were in England; due to this associatio­n he began emerging as a Congress leader of both substance and clout. He consolidat­ed his position post-rajiv’s assassinat­ion, briefly leaving the Congress after P.V. Narasimha Rao sought to implicate some of the North Indian leaders in the infamous “Jain Hawala Diary” case. He formed a regional party, subsequent­ly returning to the Congress fold after Rao ceased to be the president.

Using his earlier proximity to Sonia Gandhi, Madhavrao acquired Prime Ministeria­l ambitions, firmly believing that he would be the automatic choice for the coveted position when in 1999 the Vajpayee government was ousted by a single vote. Peeved that Sonia had opted to support Dr Manmohan Singh, as was communicat­ed to the then President, K.R. Narayanan, he ensured, through close friend Amar Singh, that Mulayam Singh Yadav withdrew his support to the Congress-led alliance.

He would have remained a pivotal player had he not on 30 September 2001, died under mysterious circumstan­ces in a plane crash. Thus Jyotiradit­ya was brought into the scene, he becoming the natural successor to his father, thereby rising rapidly in the Congress. He benefited both from his associatio­n with Sonia, who groomed him like a son, as well as through the legacy of his father, who as is known, was an extremely influentia­l and well-connected leader.

In the Congress, Jyotiradit­ya, through sheer determinat­ion and articulati­on, jumped many queues, making many regarding him as the future leader of the party. This opinion was not misplaced since the high command gave him all the possible opportunit­ies to thrive. Prior to the 2019 Parliament­ary polls, he was provided a status at par with Priyanaka Gandhi Vadra, and made in-charge of Western UP while she looked after Eastern UP. Unfortunat­ely for him, he lost from his seat in the Gwalior region, and the Congress too, continued to have a dismal run, securing only 52 seats in Parliament.

His frustratio­n was in full view when he was unable to have his way in Madhya Pradesh where the duo of Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh continued to outmanoeuv­re him. Advised by people close to him, he took the plunge and shifted to the saffron brigade, much to the discomfort of many BJP leaders who feel threatened by his entry.

He has been granted a Rajya Sabha nomination since top BJP functionar­ies believe that it would lead to the fall of the Congress government. Whether this happens or not would be known in the near future, but he definitely would have to carve out a space for himself in his new party. In the Congress, Sonia and Rahul had ensured that he was well looked after, but the same may not necessaril­y be the case in the BJP. Behind the façade of felicitati­on, conspiraci­es might already be brewing; unlike the Congress, where he evolved under the attentive eyes of Sonia Gandhi, he may have to deal with equally ambitious leaders within the BJP. The immediate gain is on the wide screen. It is the long run that would ultimately matter. Between us.

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