The Sunday Guardian

INDIA’S RIGGED STOCK MARKET CRASH BENEFITS CHINA AND CHIDAMBARA­M

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India’s has am agri market that is worth Rs 15 lakh crore annually. For the first time, after the Mughals and British left India, there is a government which is willing to listen to the farmers. The foreign rulers wanted Indian farmers to grow opium and hence they put all sorts of restrictio­ns to discourage them from selling their core agri products. Even 70 years after Independen­ce, such restrictio­ns continued thus far. The Modi government has only now lifted these Mughal and British era restrictio­ns on farmers. They relate to amending the Essential Commoditie­s Act (ECA) of 1955, bringing a Central legislatio­n to allow farmers to sell their produce to anyone, outside the APMC Mandi yard, and having barrier-free interstate trade and creating a legal framework for contract farming. This will enable the buyer to assure purchase price to the farmer at the time of sowing itself. The move is a gargantuan step in freeing India’s agri market from the clutches of the middlemen as it gives farmers the option to choose the market where they want to sell their produce by removing inter-state trade barriers and providing e-trading of agricultur­e produce.

India is the largest exporter of rice globally and second-largest producer of wheat and rice after China. But the country’s legal framework so far discourage­d private sector investment in warehousin­g. It put stock limits on any trader, processor or exporter. When farmers brought their produce to the market after the harvest, there was a glut and due to lack of storage facilities they did not get desired price. All this will now be streamline­d as government has encouraged private investment­s in storage facility and allowed farmers to sell to anyone outside the APMC yard. It will bring greater competitio­n amongst buyers, lower the mandi fee, commission for middlemen and reduce other cess that the states impose on APMC market. For the consumers, food inflation will remain under check.

In 1991, Manmohan Singh had announced a reduction in import tariffs, deregulati­on of stock markets for greater foreign flow of money into them and reduction of taxes. It was Singh’s announceme­nt of allowing FII flows into stock markets that lifted the mood on the street. Sensex rose following the budget speech of Singh then, the media went gaga over it and the announceme­nts were hailed as unparallel­ed reforms. Comparativ­ely, Modi’s package is way ahead if liberalisa­tion was the buzzword that the stock markets and the news media grabbed from Singh’s speech then, but did not do it now. Instead of giving tax breaks to the satta market in Mumbai’s derivative market on the National Stock Exchange (NSE), Modi chose to distribute much of his economic package among the real workers in the economy. The government has given its sovereign guarantee to loans granted to small and medium enterprise­s this year. This will ensure that small business and workers get loan, bank their credit off-take and yet they don’t face NPAS, which is more of a corporate phenomena. Modi does not believe in giving money to people to buy cars in the city but distribute­d income among farmers and working class. That said, he already has announced a slew of corporate and individual tax cuts following the 2019 election victory. Modi-2 government has done far more reforms than what was witnessed by markets in 1991.

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said that the package included Rs 8.01 lakh crore liquidity measures announced by the Reserve Bank of India, which will ensure that stress reduces on banks. It further included Rs 1.92 lakh crore worth of free food, grains, cooking gas and direct cash transfers to certain sections of the poor in India. The package gave Rs 5.94 lakh crore in the first tranche as credit facility to small businesses and interest subvention of loans. She announced Rs 10,000 crore funds for Food Micro Enterprise­s, which will benefit 2 lakh micro enterprise­s/ startups. The government and RBI have repeatedly said that they will not allow any private or government banks to collapse. This was evident in Yes Bank case, where its depositors money was safe. If one argues that bond holders were not safeguarde­d, there are lot of questions on who the real bond holders were. For instance, an NBFC Indiabulls that raises money at more than 12-14% in market, had invested huge money in Yes Bank bonds that yielded it lower than its cost of fund. Why? It is these investors, with questionab­le deals, who the government did not intend to save.

Talking about FDI, the package opened up more room in defence, coal minerals, air space management, airports, MRO, distributi­on companies in UTS, space sector and atomic energy.

In defence FDI is now 74% through the automatic route, meaning companies do not require any special permission from government for foreign holding up to that limit. All this, with the money being distribute­d directly to the weaker section by the Modi government, makes the 1991 reforms look bleak, which was all about giving stock market stimulus. This time too, stock markets were expecting a cut in long term capital gains tax. But why is it necessary? Why should we allow tax free money to flow out via satta? Otherwise, has the domestic investor ever earned in derivative satta?

WHY DID MARKETS FALL IN SPITE OF REFORMS? Coming back to the answer as to why markets fell despite ground breaking reforms and effective tackling of the black-swan event Covid-19 by the Modi government, is in knowing who the FPIS were who stepped up selling. But first, we must understand as to what purpose market selling serves. A crash like we saw in May often spoils the business sentiment in the country among large banks and corporate houses, which in turn vitiates the job scenario. This percolates down to the social fabric and creates unrest in society. For instance, even as the Modi government is opening up India’s agri economy, an agri warehouse management company, NCML, has asked several junior staff in Mumbai to resign. The warehouse was started by government promoted banks, which are still its shareholde­rs. But the majority of the stake has been picked up by foreign fund. Retrenchin­g of junior staff is now being done in the time of crises. Sources say no senior high salaried top management has taken a pay cut but the axe fell on junior and several young team members. Leaders of the same foreign fund have often talked about creating jobs in India to draw Modi’s attention. Since the market is crashing, social media posts being moved are utterly negative with regard to the package announceme­nt. Several memos about PM Modi were circulated on Whatsapp groups. These are the ways to bring seminal changes on the social front. This orchestrat­ed activity kept the mood negative towards the government. A few Opposition leaders such as Chidambara­m know how to grab such an opportunit­y to abuse and discredit the good work done by the Modi government. After all, he has been a pioneer of keeping the sentiment high by stock market management even though the UPA survived from one scam to another. Between 2004 and 2014, Chidambara­m and his FPI friends ensured that markets remained buoyant, which was evident when Sensex and Nifty hit the upper circuit on 18 May 2009. Chidambara­m’s nexus with FPIS warrant an investigat­ion that so far agencies technicall­y under PM Modi have not done. Also, they need to find out the Chinese funds selling in India heavily and creating trouble for the Modi government so that market and business sentiment remains weak.

Several media reports suggest how Chinese funds that manage $1 billion or more have set up operations in Hong Kong, which serves as a launch pad for mainland managers seeking access to overseas market. The bulk of the investment­s from Hong Kong, in turn, are routed through tax havens including Singapore to India, which have historical­ly been an attractive jurisdicti­on for Asia-focused funds. Also, why has China again started creating a tense situation at the border? How does the Chidambara­m network try to take benefit from the situation? Singapore and Hong Kong have strong China links, given that ethnic Chinese make up an estimated three-fourths of its citizen population. This could make it harder to determine if the beneficiar­ies of FPIS playing in India are actually Chinese. Ireland and Luxembourg, by way of being popular offshore fund jurisdicti­ons, also attract sizeable Chinese money. Currently, there are 16 FPIS from China registered in India and 15 of them hold Category-i licence. But hundreds of them are registered in Cayman, Mauritius, Singapore, Luxembourg and Ireland among other tax havens. China fears that India will dominate the narrative globally after the Wuhan-virus crises and especially it fears Modi even more after the country will have the President’s chair of World Health Organisati­on (WHO). China does not like a strong Modi at home and wants his popularity to diminish among the masses. Border skirmishes and market sell-offs are just two tools to create social unrest. All of Chidambara­m’s speeches must be studied closely, especially those where he talks about stock markets. Why agencies are sleeping at the wheel when it comes to such matters of concern for the economy is for them to explain.

THE WRITER HAS BEEN A FINANCIAL MARKET JOURNALIST OF LONG STANDING.

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