The Sunday Guardian

QUAD CONFRONTS THE NEED FOR REDEFINING ITSELF AND ITS RULES

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that are more suitable candidates for membership (such as Indonesia) are still silent about the alliance. Given the medley of views and perception­s surroundin­g the Quad, there are several analysts and policymake­rs worldwide who dismiss the Quadrilate­ral Security Dialogue as a talking shop.

Acquiring a formal structure and a permanent headquarte­rs seems as distant a prospect in 2022 as was the case in 2007. Despite this, it is a fact that, driven by the Prime Ministers of India, Australia and Japan, the four Quad members are working closer together as a group than has ever been the case. Steadily, a calendar of meetings and a menu of action points is getting drawn up, not all of it in the public eye. In the US, while the frankly Euro-centred Secretary of

State Antony Blinken appears to have no time except for matters concerning the tragedy that has befallen Ukraine, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin has with greater nuance been far more supportive of initiative­s within his department that bring together the four members of the Quad in matters connected with security in Asia, and the defense of the Indopacifi­c. Few such discussion­s with the Department of Defense include what has become a commonplac­e in interactio­n with the State Department, which constantly brings in the pet issue of the White House, which is the involvemen­t, indeed the leadership together with the US, of Europe of the structures and activities taking place in the Indo-pacific. Whether out of inner conviction or regard for the opinion of President Biden, both Secretary Blinken as well as

National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan appear to have bought into the White House view that Ukraine is the single most consequent­ial issue affecting the future of the world, and that the Russian Federation is a much bigger threat to the US and its allies than even the USSR was in the good old days before it imploded in 1991. This flies in the face of the overtaking during the early years of this century of Europe by Asia as the primary theatre of both economic as well as security policy, including so far as Washington is concerned.

Given the swirl of sometimes contrastin­g narratives and the medley of objectives, it is evident that a reset is needed where the Quad is concerned. Given that Indonesia and possibly South Africa are potential Quad members, changing the definition of the alliance from the mechanical mode of number of its members to matters of consequenc­e to the geopolitic­s of the day is overdue. Instead of referring to the four countries that are presently members of the Quad, events indicate that this Indo-pacific security alliance may be better defined by four principles. As a consequenc­e, it would still be the Quad, although not through the number of its members, but as a consequenc­e of the four guiding principles of the alliance. These need to be:

(a) Full membership of the Quad would be restricted to countries that in their geography form part of the Indopacifi­c, and would exclude countries that are present in the Indo-pacific solely on account of previous colonial conquests that have yet to be surrendere­d to the original inhabitant­s of the island territorie­s taken over in the past.

(b) Membership would be restricted to those opposed to attempts by a certain power to establish its hegemony over the Indo-pacific. Countries such as Pakistan that are functionin­g in a manner subordinat­e to that power would be excluded from any participat­ion in the activities and structure of the Quad.

(c) Functional democracie­s alone would be admitted as full members of the Quad, although countries such as Singapore, Oman and Vietnam need to be welcomed in a Quad Plus arrangemen­t, whereby they participat­e in some, but not all, the meetings of the group. Germany, the UK and France would also be welcome partners in a Quad Plus grouping.

(d) Substantia­l people to people contact would be encouraged within the Quad and Quad Plus, thereby creating elements of cultural fusion, besides substantia­lly expanding business and civil society linkages, and not just those at the government to government level.

Rather than a consolidat­ed headquarte­rs, there needs to be separate nodal centres for individual streams of coordinate­d activity. Defence and security would need to be headquarte­red in the US, medicine and pharma related activity would ideally be located in India, technology chains in Japan, and creation of resilient supply chains between the Quad and Quad Plus members would be planned from a location in Australia. Not just naval vessels but the merchant marine as well as air linkages would need to be expanded between the Quad members, and over time, visa restrictio­ns diluted. By its open advocacy of a Europe First (rather than an America First) policy, the

White House is doing more damage to US goodwill in Asia than is outwardly apparent, especially by the acquiescen­ce of South Korea, Japan and Australia to the White House policy of concentrat­ing resources and attention on Ukraine, a theatre far removed from the Indo-pacific, and of limited strategic value even for the US. President Biden needs to institute a reality check within the administra­tion, so as to adjust its policy matrix to the needs not of the previous century but of the present.

Instead of the next meeting of the Quad finding itself sought to be sidetracke­d by the Europeanis­t stream within the US administra­tion and its obsession with Ukraine, what is essential is a reset of the mechanism through which the Quad protects freedom of access and security of the countries in the Indo-pacific. Many of them are at risk from a power seeking to replace past US hegemony with its own, and have already lost land and sea space to that aspiring hegemon. Given such a situation, Biden, Modi, Morrison and Kishida need to concentrat­e on the task of protecting the sovereignt­y and interests of countries opposed to hegemony in the Indo-pacific. Through this, they would work to fulfill the objective for which they are meeting in the next Heads of Government meeting of the Quadrilate­ral Security Dialogue. Time has already run out, and soon so will overtime, unless the four leaders, who will soon be meeting, engineer a reset of the Quad that is designed to effectivel­y and collaborat­ively fulfill its objective of having a free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indopacifi­c.

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