The Sunday Guardian

ANTI-INDIA CABAL IN U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT MANIPULATE­D ONLINE DISCOURSE ON PM MODI

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Director of the Foundation for Freedom Online (FFO), a nonprofit watchdog dedicated to protecting digital liberties and restoring the free and open Internet.

Previously, I was in charge of the cyber and “Big Tech” portfolios for the US State Department, where I served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Internatio­nal Communicat­ions and Informatio­n Technology. That role included formulatin­g and negotiatin­g US policy on cyber issues as well as interfacin­g with private industry and civil society in the Big Tech space.

Prior to this, I served as a White House speechwrit­er for President Trump and advised on tech matters. Before that, I served as speechwrit­er to Housing and Urban Developmen­t Secretary Dr Ben Carson and was a policy adviser on economic developmen­t. Before my roles in the public sector, I practised business law for seven years as an attorney in New York, primarily representi­ng technology companies and financial firms.

Q: Where were you posted and in what position when these alleged interferen­ces occurred? A: If you’re talking about US tech platforms interferin­g with the free flow of political informatio­n in India, that started before my time at the State Department. In late 2018/early 2019, the US-UK foreign policy establishm­ent began a campaign to paint Modi’s political success as being the result of “misinforma­tion” online. For instance:

* BBC: Nationalis­m a driving force behind fake news in India, research shows (Nov 2018)

* Time: How Volunteers for India’s Ruling Party Are Using Whatsapp to Fuel Fake News Ahead of Elections (January 2019) * Quartz: There’s no stopping fake news in India when the prime minister’s

own app spreads it (January 2019)

* New York Times: India Has a Public Health Crisis. It’s Called Fake News (April 2019)

* The Atlantic: MISINFORMA­TION IS ENDANGERIN­G INDIA’S ELECTION (April 2019)

“Misinforma­tion” is a censorship predicate. When the US foreign policy establishm­ent says a foreign country has a “misinforma­tion crisis,” that is a cue to US tech companies to work with entities like the State Department’s Global Engagement Center or cut-out think tanks like the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensics Research Lab or countermis­informatio­n USAID fundees to censor the “misinforma­tion” in that foreign country.

Q: What was the modus operandi that was put in play? A: They censored chat apps like Whatsapp because Modi supporters were spreading pro-modi messages there.

* Poynter Institute: Inside Whatsapp’s battle against misinforma­tion in India (Dec 2018)

* BBC: Whatsapp blocks two million Indian accounts (July 2021)

The US foreign policy establishm­ent leaned on

Facebook, which owns Whatsapp, very heavily to limit the amount of Whatsapp messages that could be shared, which would therefore limit the amount of pro-modi content that could circulate in India (Modi supporters disproport­ionately shared content on Whatsapp).

Like here, you can see in January 2019 Whatsapp started limiting sharing in India explicitly to stop Modi’s “misinforma­tion” sharing:

* CNN: Whatsapp tightens limit on the number of people you can share messages with (Jan 2019)

When I was at the State Department, I saw all these same think tanks like the “Atlantic Council” were inundating me and my policy peers with recommenda­tions to promote censoring “misinforma­tion” abroad in so-called “nationalis­t” or “authoritar­ian” government­s. Modi’s name was always circulated in lists that hit my inbox of places where US tech companies should be more aggressive­ly engaged in “content moderation” (meaning censorship).

Q: Which tech companies were involved in this? And why were they doing it? A: Facebook, Whatsapp,

Youtube, Twitter, and probably others, but I do not want to speculate beyond that.

Q: Were the US government agencies, including the State Department, aware of this interferen­ce to defeat BJP and Modi?

A: That was not my direct portfolio, so I cannot answer that. It would be surprising to me if the State Department’s Global Engagement Center was not talking to and placing pressure on US tech company liaisons to facilitate censorship of Modi/ BJP in India. The State Department keeps close tabs on social media influence of political parties and when they are hostile to a foreign leader, they tend to let US tech companies know early and often.

Q: During that time, President Trump, who had an excellent equation with Prime Minister Modi, was in power. So how do you explain this dichotomy? Was the State Department and other agencies working independen­tly against their boss (Trump)?

A: Yes. Trump had very little influence over the rankand-file of the State Department. There were many pockets of rogue factions that simply never accepted Trump’s foreign policy and did not even pretend to accept Trump was their boss.

Q: Did you come across any evidence that suggests other India-based political entities were coordinati­ng with these tech companies in order to impact BJP’S and Modi’s poll campaign?

A:

Not directly, it wasn’t my direct portfolio. But I’m sure you can look up all the little counter-misinforma­tion companies that popped up in India and see to what extent they got State Department or USAID funding.

For example, entities like in this piece: https:// www.messengerp­eople. com/misinforma­tion-inindia-whatsapp/ and those referenced in this lecture: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=o5zwr6nqeh­w

 ?? ?? Mike Benz, a former senior diplomat with the State Department of the United States.
Mike Benz, a former senior diplomat with the State Department of the United States.

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