The Sunday Guardian

Ghulam’s Azaad Narrative between us

- PANKAJ VOHRA

Veteran politician and senior leader Ghulam Nabi Azad, described by Dr Karan Singh, distinguis­hed scholar and statesman “as the most successful and outstandin­g Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir”, has come out with his autobiogra­phy, “Azaad”, which is a tell-all book, that seeks to put in perspectiv­e the political narrative of the past five decades.

It is not without reason that Dr Karan Singh has this opinion of a man whose journey in public life has been remarkable, since he has witnessed the unfolding of events from a ringside seat. In the process, he is privy to a lot of things, many of which took place behind the scenes, though he has chosen to share details of only some of them in his book.

GNA, as he is fondly referred to by many in the media, has been the only Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, who held the august office after spending considerab­le time at the Centre, both as a minister and a senior functionar­y of his party. Therefore, it is precisely because of his acumen that Dr Karan Singh has rated him so high. GNA’S approach to J&K was not myopic but nationalis­t and though Mufti Mohammad Sayeed had also spent time in national politics, his credential­s were always in doubt.

In 1975, when Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah reached an accord, the then Chief Minister Syed Mir Qasim, accosted Rajiv Gandhi, a pilot with the Indian Airlines, at the Chandigarh airport, and told him that this agreement would be suicidal for the Congress and it would not return to power for 30 years. Qasim’s words proved prophetic since it was after 30 years that Ghulam Nabi Azad took over as the Chief Minister in 2005 from a reluctant Mufti, who had virtually convinced Sonia Gandhi to allow him to continue for three more years.

It was interventi­on by Dr Karan Singh and some others at the Congress Working Committee meeting which ensured that the Congress finally took over the Chief Minister’s position. Earlier, Sonia Gandhi appeared inclined to give Mufti an extended tenure and this was reflected in the opening remarks of A.K. Antony, who served as her spokespers­on at many of such meetings, and started his speech by stating that there was a need to be generous, when the topic of claiming the CM’S post cropped up.

Ghulam Nabi Azad also has the unique distinctio­n of being the party in-charge of almost all the states, and therefore even his worst critics admit that there was no one as well versed than him in the entire party so far as organisati­onal matters were concerned. His exit from the party would leave a vacuum for the time being. Out of the politicall­y active functionar­ies, Mukul Wasnik would be a distant second in respect of the grasp over organisati­onal affairs, though Kamal Nath remains one of the few leaders who has mastered the art of contesting and also winning elections through his micro management skills.

GNA can also be given the credit for making the national pitch in the Kashmir Valley, where pro-pakistan sentiment has been a conspicuou­s factor. His role in taking the message of Mahatma Gandhi to the people cannot be ignored; Jammu and Kashmir was one state where the Father of the Nation was unable to go as much as he would have liked to. His only visit was after Independen­ce and following the partition. In the mid-70s, GNA volunteere­d to spread Gandhiji’s message of harmony and non-violence.

As a young Youth Congress leader, Azad was handpicked by Sanjay Gandhi for a more pronounced role in party affairs. In fact, in March 1980, three months before his tragic death in a plane crash, Sanjay along with his sister-in-law and brother-in-law spent three days in Srinagar for Azad’s wedding to Shameem Dev, to demonstrat­e his affection for the upcoming leader.

Azad has also been a great survivor in politics and managed to go from strength to strength, despite the political intrigue and machinatio­ns that are an essential part of politics in the Congress. He also served as a shield for some of the leaders including Narasimha Rao, whose resignatio­n was demanded by a few of his Cabinet colleagues following the demolition of the disputed structure in Ayodhya. Azad had at that point of time deflected the attention from Rao and instead sought the resignatio­n of Home Minister S.B. Chavan, who agreed to put in his papers, but never did so in the end.

In addition to the Gandhi family, GNA was extremely close to Sitaram Kesri and even though at one point he had some difference­s with him, their personal relationsh­ip always remained intact. In the book, he devotes some of his attention to Kesri and also mentions how he made it to the Working Committee despite his opposition.

The book gives multiple reasons for the collapse of the Congress and he is very bitter when it comes to Rahul, whom he holds responsibl­e for completely demolishin­g the grand old party. It is evident that he spearheade­d the G-23 movement within the Congress, to impress upon the leadership to hold wider consultati­ons before arriving at crucial decisions. As Kapil Sibal, then a part of G23 had put it, that no one knew who was taking the decisions yet everyone also knew this.

GNA may have liberated himself from the strangleho­ld of the Gandhis over the Congress but he shall always find it hard to take the Congress out of his DNA. Between us.

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