CHINA COMMITTING GENOCIDE, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: BENEDICT ROGERS
Benedict Rogers, author of The China Nexus, says the Chinese Communist Party has complete intolerance for religion, including of Uyghur Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and the Falun Gong.
Benedict Rogers, an expert on Asian policy and human rights, recently released his book “The China Nexus,” detailing China’s religious persecution. The book covers the Chinese Communist Party’s attacks on various religious groups like Uyghurs, Tibetan Buddhists, Falun Gong, and Christians. The Sunday Guardian interviewed Rogers in New Delhi, where he offered insights into his book and shared thoughts on China’s foreign policy. Edited excerpts.
Q: Your book discusses human rights violations in China, as well as issues concerning Tibet, Taiwan, and China’s aggressive policies. Can you help our readers understand the main focus of this book?
A: The book aims to portray the Chinese Communist Party’s repression in various forms, both domestically and internationally. It covers the genocide of the Uyghur people, the ongoing repression in Tibet, and the crackdown in Hong Kong. It also discusses the suppression of civil society, dissidents, and religious groups within China. Furthermore, the book looks at China’s increasing threats to Taiwan and its complicity with the regimes in Myanmar and North Korea. It’s a comprehensive look at these issues, told through a personal lens, as it draws from my extensive experiences living and travelling in China.
Q: How did you document the atrocities against minority communities in China, given that you likely didn’t have access to the areas where they are kept? A:
Indeed, accessing regions like Tibet and the Uyghur areas is nearly impossible, especially since I have been denied entry to China. Therefore, I relied on first-hand testimonies from numerous people who have escaped, interviewing Tibetans and Uyghurs in exile. I also consulted secondary sources, including reports from human rights organisations, media outlets, satellite imagery, United Nations reports, and other background material.
Q: Can you provide some examples of the human rights violations you discuss in the book? A:
The book documents harrowing testimonies of torture, forced organ harvesting, forced sterilization and abortions, forced labor, and rape, among others. China’s crackdown on religious freedom is also a significant focus, with the persecution of Uyghur Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and the Falun Gong being prime examples. The United States and an independent UK tribunal have both declared China’s actions against the Uyghurs as genocide and crimes against humanity.
Q: The Dalai Lama suggests a middle ground for Tibet’s future, involving an autonomous government under China’s control. Do you agree with this view?
A: While I have great respect for the Dalai Lama and his moderate stance, I don’t believe that such a solution can be achieved under the current Chinese regime. The regime has destroyed other models of autonomy, as seen in Hong Kong and Xinjiang. Ultimately, the Tibetan people should decide their future, but the Chinese regime cannot be trusted.
Q: Is China’s aggression towards its neighbours a part of an expansionist policy? What is your take on this?
A:
Under Xi Jinping’s leadership, the Chinese regime seems to have a world domination agenda. While they may not be militarily expansionist at the moment, they are certainly infiltrating, coercing, and intimidating critics beyond their borders. They have also influenced Western universities and have had military exchanges on the India-china border. Analysing these actions collectively paints a clear picture of China’s attempt to dominate the world.
Q: Can you share some personal experiences you’ve had as a result of your work on this book? A:
On a personal level, I’ve received threatening letters at my home address and even to my mother, who lives in a different part of the country. The Hong Kong police have also accused me of violating the national security law, threatening me with a prison sentence. This illustrates the extent to which China is willing to go to silence its critics, even beyond its borders.
Q: Why was the 2010 Olympics a turning point in China’s foreign policy and what happened with Xi Jinping’s rise?
A:
During the mid-90s to the 2000s, China seemed to be opening up with relaxed political limitations, some civil society space, and religious practice. However, after securing the 2010 Olympics and entering the World Trade Organization, the Chinese leadership felt emboldened. They were unnerved by colour revolutions worldwide, and Liu Xiaobo’s Charter 8 campaign for democracy. These factors made the leadership worry and clamp down. While Xi Jinping’s rise was a collective decision, he intensified and accelerated the crackdown, which might not have happened with a different leader.
Q: How do you respond to China’s claim that criticism is a global propaganda campaign by the US and its allies to stop China from becoming a superpower?
A: I’m pro-china and care for its people, which is why I address human rights issues. The West doesn’t have a problem with China’s progress, but with the Chinese
Communist Party’s actions. A responsible Chinese government that didn’t threaten others would be welcomed. The Party uses propaganda, disinformation, and misinformation to control its diaspora and has set a goal of global hegemony by 2049. The West is waking up to China’s expansionist policy. If China believes it’s a Western agenda, they should open up their country, allowing people to see if they’re truly abiding by the rule of law and providing citizens with opportunities and freedoms.
Q: Is China already a superpower despite global opinions? A:
China’s economic influence and military power make it a superpower. However, this shouldn’t result in defeatism in the free world. Instead, we should counter their influence and not be intimidated. China’s efforts to silence critics suggest they aren’t as confident as they appear, so we should stand up and defend our values.
Q: Should India treat China as a friend instead of a foe and not join the larger U.S. game?
A:
A balanced approach is needed, recognizing China’s challenge while avoiding unnecessary confrontation. India should engage with China and try to resolve tensions, but the Chinese Communist Party must change its aggressive and repressive ways to become a true friend. As India progresses, China may view it as a threat and attempt to undermine its politics and infiltrate its economy. India should be mindful of these risks.
Q: What is your take on the West failing to stand against Pakistan, indirectly hurting India and emboldening China and Pakistan?
A:
Democracies should stand with India. Pakistan has contributed to extremism and terrorism while also allying with China. As a Muslim country, it’s shocking that Pakistan not only remains silent on the Uyghur genocide but also takes China’s side due to monetary influence. The West should be more robust with Pakistan and support India in confronting China and challenges posed by Pakistan.
Q: If Xi steps down, will China’s policies change or is it past the point of no return?
A:
There are different factions within the Chinese Communist Party, including a more moderate wing. However, Xi Jinping has filled the party with his faction. While it’s not past the point of no return, change may ultimately come from within the party or the people. The party’s structure and hierarchy may not allow significant deviation from its current trajectory, which follows a developed Marxist-leninist approach.