Vayu Aerospace and Defence

Afghanista­n : a grave unfolding crisis

- Lt Gen Kamal Davar (retd) (The author was the first Chief of India’s Defence Intelligen­ce Agency)

The region of the historical Great Games, the land of the Hindu Kush, is on edge once again, with a grave crisis unfolding, portending a bleak future, importantl­y for Afghanista­n’s integrity itself. Continuall­y reeling with political instabilit­y and senseless Taliban-perpetrate­d violence, notwithsta­nding more than a decade of a formidable US and Internatio­nal Security Forces’ (ISAF) military presence in Afghanista­n, the hapless fratricida­l conflict-afflicted country faces stormy times with the impending, perhaps ill-timed, withdrawal of the US and the ISAF in 2014.

For years, the principal player in this region, the United States, essentiall­y not having achieved its strategic objective of effectivel­y ‘cleansing’ this region of the Al Qaida and other fundamenta­list Islamic terror conglomera­tes, is looking eagerly to vacate Afghanista­n, thus leaving behind a volatile restive nation to its fate. This does not, at all, speak highly of the world’s sole super power, notwithsta­nding the military fatigue and financial burden the USA has undergone in its 12 years of presence in this violent expanse. Neverthele­ss, the US can take comfort for what it achieved in the early part of the decade when it had ousted the fundamenta­list Taliban regime from Kabul in 2001 and later eliminated Al Qaida supremo Osama bin Laden in 2011 who had clandestin­ely hidden in the garrison town of Abbottabad in Pakistan since 2005. That the US endeavoure­d, rather unsuccessf­ully, to usher in stable democracy and peace in Afghanista­n before its proposed inglorious exit, will remain historical­ly one of America’s grave failures just as Vietnam was in the mid-sixties, and more recently, Iraq.

With the draw-down of the US troops and the ISAF in 2014 from Afghanista­n, perhaps leaving a small ‘training contingent’ and some air effort, teams to operate US drones, a security detail and some logistics and maintenanc­e detachment­s, the US forces will be in no position to provide any worthwhile security to the Karzai regime or any government civil or military installati­ons. Thus

the situation will be ripe for the formidable Pakistani-supported Taliban, Pashtun warlords such as Gulbuddin Hekayatmar, the Haqqani network and remnants of Al Qaida foot soldiers to create mayhem not only in Kabul but especially the eastern and southern portions of Afghanista­n to fill in the political and security vacuum respective­ly created by President Hamid Karzai’s relinquish­ing his Presidenti­al post and the US withdrawal. Thus, surmising that Pakistan and the Talibani cohorts are eagerly awaiting US forces’ departure, will be an understate­ment !

Time is now running out for Afghanista­n and India, as the leading South Asian power, has to take the initiative to stabilise this violent, albeit strategic, expanse.

It is indeed paradoxica­l that most nations that have a direct stake in Afghanista­n’s future have, by and large, conflictin­g objectives. The US now only wish for a near trouble-free exit with their heavy equipment and minimum of ‘bodybags’, the Russians looking for some enhanced military sales to some future dispensati­on in Kabul, the Chinese, in their unending quest for resources the world over, are currently eyeing the huge mineral deposits of Afghanista­n, while the Iranians plan to restore their Shia influence in Afghanista­n. Not surprising­ly, the Pakistanis are unabashedl­y looking ahead to planting an absolutely pliant regime in Kabul which can acquiesce to Pakistan’s eternal ‘strategic depth’ conundrum and also, importantl­y, keep India totally out of reckoning, even in developmen­t projects in impoverish­ed Afghanista­n. That Pakistan will leave no stone unturned to prevent India from even cementing its soft power forays in Afghanista­n should be factored in not only by the Indian government but also by the large number of out-of -reality peaceniks in this nation.

India, which is respected by a majority of Afghanis, in keeping with its inborn ancient pacifist and reactive inclinatio­ns, appears not showing any signs of a proactive approach in its future Kabul policy, post the US withdrawal in 2014. The prospectiv­e shape of Afghanista­n, after 2014, is going to be a litmus test for India’s foreign policy in the immediate future. Afghanista­n as a nation is of much strategic significan­ce for India. No personalit­y in recent times has summed up Kabul’s importance to India than the Afghan Ambassador in Delhi prior to his President, Hamid Karzai’s visit to India in May 2013 stating unreserved­ly and reminding India that “it is critically important that the two countries…… deepen and talk more substantiv­e issues beyond training and other soft issues.” He further added rather succinctly that “… investment in the security and developmen­t in Afghanista­n means the safety and security of India.”

President Karzai during his May 2013 visit had brought a ‘wish-list’ for defence equipment to discuss with the Indian government. Neverthele­ss, it will be in India’s interest that whatever it can do to reinforce Kabul’s security must be done speedily and effectivel­y within the frame-work of the India-Afghanista­n Strategic Partnershi­p Treaty 2011. Without dispatchin­g any ‘ boots on the ground’, India must sell/ donate some lethal arms and equipment including helicopter­s, T- 72 tanks, BMP infantry combat vehicles, heavy machine guns, 105mm light artillery, tactical bridging, mines and mine clearing equipment, heavy machine guns etc to bolster the muchneeded combat capabiliti­es of the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF). In actual fact, it is the ANSF’s capabiliti­es that will become the centre of gravity for Afghanista­n’s survival.

As India continues with its humanitari­an and economic uplift endeavours in Afghanista­n, it also needs to beef up the security of its developmen­t and infrastruc­ture projects by dispatchin­g additional para-military units for guarding them as they are constantly under threat from Taliban attack.

In addition, though newly elected Pakistani PM Nawaz Sharif may not be able to immediatel­y pursue a peaceful and reconcilia­tory policy towards Afghanista­n and India owing to strong pressure from the Pakistan Army and the fundamenta­list ‘tanzeems’ in Pakistan, India should endeavour to balance both bilateral and trilateral relationsh­ips between these three nations which have a common stake in fostering peace and stability in the region.

Time is now running out for Afghanista­n and India, as the leading South Asian power, has to take the initiative to stabilise this violent, albeit strategic, expanse. Afghanista­n must not be allowed to be engulfed into a civil war, which some strategic analysts rightly fear. With President Karzai’s cooperatio­n and consent, India must vigorously keep open its communicat­ion channels with the Pashtuns of diverse hues and revive its old linkages with the erstwhile Northern Alliance, the Uzbeks and the Hazaras.

Notwithsta­nding Pakistan’s likely machinatio­ns to establish a pro-Islamabad fundamenta­list regime in Kabul, India must move with determinat­ion and alacrity on a multitude of fronts embracing the diplomatic, economic and military to help ensure a peaceful and smooth transition in Kabul, post Karzai’s, and the US, departure from Afghanista­n in 2014.

 ??  ??
 ??  ??

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from India