Iran Daily

Christian missions of dubious nature

- By Mohammad Memarian*

An emeritus professor at the University of Tehran once told us an interestin­g story about the history of missionari­es in Iran. During the Pahlavi regime, there was an effort to handle the situation of the lepers by settling them in a town in northeaste­rn Khorasan Province. A group of French missionari­es, mostly nuns, who had come to Iran at that time asked to be deployed there to help the lepers, which they did until the revolution in 1979.

The revolution­aries, however, were not particular­ly fond of Western missionari­es mainly due to the cooperatio­n of American and British ones with the overthrown regime. Therefore, they thanked the French missionari­es for their services and asked them to leave the country.

Having been in the service of the lepers for some dozen years, they were dishearten­ed by the order to leave. They requested the authoritie­s to let them stay in their place.

“Some of them wept, saying that they had dedicated their lives to a noble, charitable cause,” the professor recalled. Perhaps to test their sincerity, the authoritie­s told them they could stay only if they renounced their nationalit­y and

You observe that the ‘older strategy’ of American missionari­es “emphasized modernizat­ion and Westerniza­tion.” Quite in that spirit, any discussion of the modern presence of American missionari­es in Iran would be inevitably intertwine­d with the modernizat­ion project which Mohammad Reza Shah undertook. Then, let’s start with your diagnosis of that project.

The problem with Iran’s modernizat­ion process was that it went too far, too fast. This can be seen clearest in the ‘White Revolution’. During the White Revolution, while it was advertised as a series of reforms that helped modernize Iran with land, educationa­l, and medical reform, the White Revolution was more political: It helped Mohammad Reza Shah gain and maintain power. Grand Ayatollah Hossein Borujerdi, the highest ranking Iranian theologian at the time, was against the White Revolution on Islamic grounds, but he was willing to compromise on certain parts and work with the Shah. The Shah, however, was not willing to work with him because he wanted the modernizat­ion process to go fast. The Shah wanted Iran to modernize quickly because, in part, he had a ‘savior complex.’

How did American missionari­es become involved in that project?

Mohammad Reza Shah was willing to work with whomever would help increase the modernizat­ion of Iran quickest (and therefore his control over Iran), including American missionari­es.

Some argue that as contentiou­s as the ideas of Westerniza­tion and (to a lesser extent) modernizat­ion were in Iran at the time, they were far more bearable for the public than any intimation of converting into Christiani­ty. In other words, that emphasis by American missionari­es on “modernizat­ion and Westerniza­tion” principall­y damaged the project of modernizat­ion in Iran rather than the other way around. How do you see that argument?

Given my above explanatio­ns, I do not think one can state that missionari­es hurt Iran’s modernizat­ion process. Samuel M. Jordan, an American Presbyteri­an missionary to Iran, is considered by some as the father of Iran’s modern day educationa­l system. Whether he was that or only an influentia­l figure, it shows how important American missionari­es were in Iran’s educationa­l system. Even today, the educationa­l system in Iran is the American form over the British.

Was converting to Christiani­ty – a Western form of it – unbearable in the minds of Iranians? vowed to do what they had been doing. They did both and remained in Iran. The last one of them died a dozen years ago.

That story highlights the complicate­d, sometimes tortured, and always politicall­y charged history of modern Western missions, who have found their way into Iran since the 18th century, which is in sharp contrast with the historical­ly long presence of Christians – mostly Armenians and Assyrians – in Iran, which, despite its occasional ebbs and flows, can be essentiall­y characteri­zed by a peaceful coexistenc­e with the followers of other religions.

“Mohammad Reza Shah gave missionari­es many liberties, but they came with the understand­ing that the missionari­es would support him. The missionari­es were willing to pay that price,” said Philip Hopkins, associate professor of church history, who holds Phds in Iranian history and applied theology, in an exclusive interview with Iran Daily about his book, ‘American Missionari­es in Iran during the 1960s and 1970s,’ published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2020.

His genial attitude, fair explanatio­ns, and intimate knowledge of the subject matter made talking about a controvers­ial issue much easier and delightful.

*Mohammad Memarian is a staff writer at Iran Daily.

Before the Islamic Revolution, only 100 to 500 Iranian Muslims converted to Christiani­ty, so in a very real sense, yes. Iranians from Muslim background­s did not seem to want anything to do with Christiani­ty during Pahlavi times. I do not think that was because of modernizat­ion. I think it was because church services in Iran were rarely conducted in Persian.

This question is meant to put the whole discussion into some theologica­l context from a Christian perspectiv­e: Is there a pure version of Christiani­ty, which the missionari­es could have promoted?

I do not think there is a ‘pure version of Christiani­ty’. It does not matter if the Christian is American or Angolan. There is a concept in Christiani­ty called ‘original sin’. The idea of original sin is not in Islam, but original sin states that each person is a sinner by nature and by choice. In other words, unlike the Islamic belief, ever since Adam and Eve sinned (sin is defined in Christiani­ty as disobedien­ce to God) in the Garden of Eden (which by the way Oxford University did a study a few years ago and surmised that the Garden of Eden could have been in Tabriz) that sin has been passed down from generation to generation. So, babies, when they are born, inherit a ‘sin nature’ from their parents. That sin nature manifests itself in willful sinful choices. Those sinful choices call for punishment from God – separation from God for all eternity in hell. The only remedy for that is Christ who became the substitute – Christ took the punishment for all the sins of all the people who put their faith in him and seek forgivenes­s and repentance. For those who have placed their faith in Christ – ‘Christians’ – while it makes them right (declared not guilty) in God’s eyes, it does not alleviate or stop them from sinning. Therefore, because Christians still sin, there is no form of pure Christiani­ty.

You argue that American missionari­es had a “predisposi­tion towards their own culture” which “confused their message of the gospel,” adding to “the negative perception of Christiani­ty among Iranians.” My impression is that American missionari­es tried to promote an Americaniz­ed version of Christiani­ty, right?

Christians, both positively and negatively, are affected by their culture and interpret Christiani­ty through their culture. And when Christians leave their culture and live in other cultures, this changes, but then other cultures affect their view of Christiani­ty, too, both positively and negatively. With that in mind, I think that many (not all) American missionari­es were trying to promote an American form of Christiani­ty in Iran during the time of the Pahlavis, and this was not good. Focusing on education and health care, while it improved Iran, distracted from the gospel. I also think not focusing on church services being in the Persian language (as opposed to Armenian, Assyrian, and English [among expats]) was detrimenta­l to the American missionary cause in Iran.

The American missionari­es in the Pahlavi era managed to establish close relations with the monarchy. Before the revolution, how, if at all, did they come to understand it had been a mistake, perhaps trying to dissociate themselves from the monarchy?

I think a few of the American missionari­es began to see the connection with any government as a mistake, but I am not sure the majority of American missionari­es came to that conclusion. I think that they were going in that direction, especially as Mohammad Reza Shah was becoming increasing­ly brutal with the use of the SAVAK, but with the Islamic Revolution rising, no one knew what might have happened. Mohammad Reza Shah gave missionari­es many liberties, but they came with the understand­ing that the missionari­es would support him. The missionari­es were willing to pay that price.

In specific regard to the official domestic relationsh­ips of American missionari­es, you observe that “there is no evidence to suggest

the American mission agencies examined in this book were under the absolute control of” the US government.

‘Absolute control’ is a high bar, but to accuse missionari­es as agents of government (US or Iran) is a serious allegation, and could cause irreparabl­e harm, something I did not want to do unless I had clear evidence to support those claims.

In more practical terms, some observe that American missionari­es worked with the American government. For example, Conroykrut­z, author of ‘Christian Imperialis­m’, argues that American missionari­es, from the very beginning of their work, “undertook political work for parts of American diplomatic and intelligen­ce networks.” Have you come across any such role for American missionari­es in Iran?

The American government, of course, influenced the American mission agencies mentioned in my book. There is documented correspond­ence between some of the mission agencies and the US government regarding missionary presence in Iran. There is at least one case where a mission agency asked the US government to intervene and encourage the Iranian government to help secure visas for its missionari­es. Regarding Conroy-krutz, she is right that there has been a direct connection between missionary and government in the past. Often one would come to a country first and the other would follow. Who came first, missionary or government? It was not always the same.

What about their contempora­ry roles?

To be fair to the missionary organizati­ons, I know that currently at least one of the mission organizati­ons mentioned in my book has put into their policy that missionari­es participat­ing with any intelligen­ce agency are not allowed and will lead to immediate dismissal. Their missionari­es must stay politicall­y neutral and not be involved in politics at any level, local, national, or internatio­nal. That said, if Iran were to allow American Christian missionari­es into Iran, because of the past history between government and missionary in general, the Iranian government would be wise to vet American missionari­es. That could help the mission organizati­ons as well as the Iranian government.

Howard Baskervill­e, sometimes called “American Martyr of Iran’s Constituti­onal Movement,” is perhaps one of the most honored American missionari­es who ever worked in Iran. But the event that led to his idolized status was indeed deeply political: Standing with the constituti­onalist forces against monarchist­s and finally getting fatally shot in the early 1900s. In your knowledge (of the facts) or estimation (of general attitudes), how did the Presbyteri­an Church view his decision: indifferen­ce, approval, or rejecting him as a rogue agent?

You are correct. Baskervill­e’s support of the Constituti­onal Revolution was one thing. Baskervill­e deciding to take part in the armed conflict was quite another. Baskervill­e had to resign his post as a missionary to be able to do so. His immediate supervisor, if I recall reading the documents correctly, was not in favor of Baskervill­e’s decision to become part of the armed conflict. The Presbyteri­ans in Iran – or at least their leadership – wanted to be neutral. Neutrality toward Iran at that time was, by and large, US policy, so one could argue the Presbyteri­ans were following government­al procedure, but that is a bit of a stretch. If anything, the Presbyteri­ans were playing both sides, so whoever won, they could stay in the country, but I have no documentar­y evidence for that thought either. This brings up an interestin­g theologica­l question: When is it permissibl­e for the local populace to rebel against their government? Was the American Revolution anti-biblical? Christians have different answers to these questions, some from even the same theologica­l sect.

These are good questions for another talk! Thank you.

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