No, we do not have New Politics – we just have a crocked FG-FF coalition
FOR some of us it seems far longer. But the calendar tells us that, on this very day 12 months ago, Enda Kenny’s second term as Taoiseach began its shaky onward journey. On May 6, 2016, there was much talk about “new politics” as a government finally emerged from 70 days of negotiations. But the experience of the last year suggests that new politics is not viable for Ireland.
Or as the newly re-elected Green Party leader Eamon Ryan (below) correctly predicted on that day 12 months ago – we have not “become Swedes or Scandinavians overnight”.
The sluggish output of lawmaking, with just 23 bills enacted over the past year, is really only an indicator of a dysfunctional political machine. The general lack of direction on show in Dáil proceedings is a much clearer indication that all is not well.
True, Mr Kenny’s minority Coalition, which has Fine Gael and Independents operating by grace of Fianna Fáil, has managed to do some things reasonably well and has confounded many doom-sayers by still being in office. Its first budget passed last October.
It has also enacted important legislation to back its housing plans, though these still remain very much as plans. It has got off to a good start in the Brexit negotiations, though again a long road lies ahead. But, in day-to-day Dáil proceedings the record has been pretty lamentable with little of real substance being done. And all parties, groupings and Independents at Leinster House must share responsibility for this.
Fine Gael in government has been more preoccupied with the party leadership than running the State. Just before polling day in 2016, Mr Kenny threw in the succession ball by saying he would not lead his party in the following general election.
There has been a simmering internal campaign among TDs and senators since the new Dáil convened in March last year.
Mr Kenny, continually gaffeprone right up to this week, has also compounded all of this by keeping silent on when and how he will leave his two jobs.
Fine Gael’s other problem is it is the first modern government not to control Dáil business. Control is now with a business committee, which has not been operating very effectively. The good news here is that the Dáil is no longer a mere rubber stamp for the Cabinet. Bad news is that previous cabinet hegemony has been replaced by the emasculation of government and frequent parliamentary confusion. Those pleading for patience with the new state of Dáil affairs argue that better thoughtout and more thoroughly debated laws will emerge in fullness of time. But the system is now jammed with more than 140 pieces of proposed legislation from nongovernment deputies which are at various stages of processing.
Reality is that some of these draft laws will never get passed. That may be a mercy in some cases.
Fianna Fáil has for long periods been in a blessed position of having a deal of power without too much responsibility. It has even had the effrontery to blame the Government for not providing leadership in law-making.
But they cannot be allowed get away with that one. Micheál Martin’s party is underpinning this strange hybrid minority Coalition, and must take its share of responsibility.
The political reality is that Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil can do much more, if they want “new politics” to work. But it’s a racing certainty that each of the “big two” would prefer an early return to being capable of leading a coalition commanding a majority. We must also consider the role of many voters in creating this current farrago.
This borders on the German writer Brecht’s call for the electorate to resign. But the simple reality is that too many of us want to have things both ways.
Of course people will deplore the current political paralysis and say we need strong government to confront Brexit, Donald Trump’s new economic order and other challenges.
But the RTÉ exit poll taken in the February 2016 General Election showed that 41pc of respondents cited choosing a candidate to look after their constituency needs was most important for them. Over the years many studies have also shown that voters want their TDs to prioritise constituency work.
In theory, our 158 TDs are elected to help govern the nation. In practice they risk becoming “former TDs” if they neglect matters local. A further complication is that the majority of TDs returned to this, the 32nd Dáil, wanted no truck with government.
A small but distinct left-leaning group also insists on keeping one foot in street protests, while using the Dáil as another theatre of action.
In sum, we have a dysfunctional Fine Gael-Fianna Fáil coalition in all but name. The “big two” are surrounded by smaller, self-seeking groups which are constantly, in common with all groups, looking out for better political weather.
It may take a full generation to see “new politics” function and deliver. Many of us just do not have that kind of time to spare.