MARY LOU’ S CREDIBILITY HOBBLED BY SIN NF É IN AMBIGUITY
THE good news for Mary Lou McDonald is that the Taoiseach has singled her out as a particular target for notice in the Dáil chamber. It’s what you might call a backhanded compliment – an acknowledgement that she is his Opposition.
Attacking Micheál Martin is hardly a viable option, since Leo Varadkar is in office by his grace and favour. Instead, Mr Varadkar has been giving the Sinn Féin deputy leader a homily on the art of compromising. Possibly, as the beneficiary of a supply and confidence arrangement, he feels himself to be knowledgeable on conciliation and concession.
Ms McDonald must be getting under the Taoiseach’s skin, judging by the tone of their interaction. But while nobody likes a lecture, Sinn Féin does face an obligation to find the middle ground in the North – a reality it grasps, but remains slow to act upon.
It is long past time to revive the Northern institutions and make politics work there. Yet the party’s voice remains absent from Brexit discussions in Stormont and Westminster.
When Sinn Féin talks politics, as Ms McDonald attempted to do this week during leaders’ questions, there are long shadows overhanging the words caused by the party’s absenteeism from two other parliaments. Some parties have one elephant in the room, but Sinn Féin allows itself the luxury of two.
In particular, the party’s protracted disengagement from Stormont sends a signal that cannot be overlooked, explained away or excused. It boils down to this: democracy has been set aside in the North. It undermines Sinn Féin’s insistence it has embraced the democratic process.
Collapsing the Assembly made sense in the context of public representatives taking a stand against corruption, and in light of the DUP’s continual, anti-democratic use of the veto on legislation approved by the majority of MLAs. But having won a renewed mandate, Sinn Féin had an obligation to cut a swift deal with unionism.
It is now almost a year since Stormont has sat. That vacuum ill serves the electorate, which endorsed the party and the entire Northern community. Not only because of Brexit – a thumping headache across the island, and with particular challenges in the Border area – but because health, education and infrastructure decisions in the North are being parked or taken by unelected civil servants.
The Stormont interregnum causes a domino effect, with the party’s credibility in the Republic compromised by its stance. Accordingly, when Ms McDonald seeks to hold the Government to account (and there can be no doubting her ability as a politician), she is hobbled.
At a recent Republican commemoration event in Belfast, Gerry Adams said Sinn Féin’s leadership was willing to do business. What he didn’t indicate was a timeframe. Few would risk a bet on it happening in 2017. So, an entire year is written off. And the Northern economy suffers regardless of whether its people have unionist or nationalist leanings.
As for the Westminster absenteeism, that default carries a whiff of ancient grievances. It does not help the party to reposition itself for today’s voters.
We are told its core support base understands its outlook – indeed, by walking away from the Northern institutions, the leadership was reacting to grassroots pressure. But changed circumstances require more imaginative strategies. The chance to have an impact on Brexit discussions is being squandered by Sinn Féin’s abstentionism from Westminster and its reluctance to knuckle down to the nitty-gritty in Stormont.
Currently, Arlene Foster has sway with Theresa May. Who can Mr Adams or Michelle O’Neill influence to deliver a soft Brexit? And here’s a thought. What if Sinn Féin should have the chance to be Jeremy Corbyn’s kingmaker following another general election in Britain? Refusal to seize the day would be illogical and inexcusable.
Sinn Féin claims it wants to be a mainstream party playing a role in governing Ireland. But the party is riddled with ambiguities. Until it abandons them it will not be fit for purpose.
Support for law and order is nonnegotiable. Instead, we see its post-conflict politicians obliged to duck and weave over issues such the execution of Louth farmer Tom Oliver. Sinn Féin is selective about legacy issues from the Troubles. In the North, it wants the behaviour of the security forces to be scrutinised, but in the Republic its mantra is to draw a discreet veil over the actions of its volunteers.
Much of the criticism against Sinn Féin south of the Border lacks either context or insight, however. Dreadful deeds were carried out by the political forebears of both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil during the War of Independence and Civil War. Nevertheless, they have left their pasts behind. Sinn Féin has not. Policies such as abstentionism underline its reluctance to move forward.
It is missing opportunities in the Republic, too. To stake a claim on political territory, it ought to be driving the agenda on housing, health and Garda reform where political capital could be won. But the party is fumbling in those key areas.
Meanwhile, north of the Border, direct rule is happening behind the scenes. This serves no-one’s interests – ultimately the DUP and Sinn Féin will have to reach a compromise.
Nobody can pretend it is easy to negotiate
‘The Taoiseach was on sure ground, but he lost his footing when he called Ms McDonald ‘cranky’ after she challenged him in the Dáil, as if she was a toddler who had missed out on her afternoon nap’
with the DUP. After Mr Adams’s remarks about the party’s readiness to return to government, DUP former finance minister Simon Hamilton said: “We will not accept cultural supremacy for one section of our community.” As if summers weren’t surrendered to Orangeism, the definition of ethnic domination.
Even so, compromise is the only option. Sinn Féin MLAs cannot occupy their seats in Stormont without securing an Irish language act, but something will have to be scratched from the party’s wish list.
Mr Varadkar has called for a fully functioning Executive to advance the case for a soft Brexit, and prosperity across the island. When he pitched for the 2023 Rugby World Cup, how compelling it would have been – both visually and symbolically – if the bid had been made with Mrs Foster and Ms O’Neill by his side. Now that really would have been good news for Sinn Féin, the DUP, and Ireland North and South.
He was on sure ground in pointing that out. But he lost his footing when he called Ms McDonald “cranky” after she challenged him in the Dáil, as if she was a toddler who’d missed her afternoon nap.
The Taoiseach is entitled to disagree with her, as forcefully as he chooses, but he is not at liberty to infantilise a capable and hardworking politician. It serves as an uneasy reminder of how few women he has seen fit promote.