‘New politics’ is sham but at least it should give us clear voice on Brexit
NEW politics is a farce. It always has been. The concept is used by TDs from all ends of the spectrum to suit their own arguments as either a beacon of political maturity or a symptom of electoral stagnation.
Its definition depends on the situation. When the Opposition isn’t getting things its own way, it cries out that ‘new politics’ is being made a mockery of by the Establishment.
And when the Government isn’t progressing its plans, you will hear ministers blame the smothering effect of being a minority administration.
It’s worth recalling that shortly after the ‘confidence and supply’ deal was scrambled together, sources associated with Leo Varadkar privately argued that ‘new politics’ was little more than a vehicle concocted by Enda Kenny to stay in power.
They were right, but now Mr Varadkar has inherited the system and if the polls are to believed, an election isn’t going to bring any major change.
The idea of the main Opposition party having one foot in the room and one outside does not facilitate good governance.
New politics allows scenarios such as the one that brought us to the brink of a Christmas election to develop overnight.
But the ‘Do Nothing Dáil’ is just a soundbite, it doesn’t have to become a self-fulfilling prophecy. That means we, and more importantly our elected representatives, have to get on with it.
And now one of the greatest challenges facing modern Ireland offers an opportunity for our politicians to restore faith in their mandates.
If ‘new politics’ is to prove of any worth, then the Dáil should be able to come together to show a united front in the face of Brexit.
There is no room for political mudslinging, one-upmanship or Sinn Féin game-playing.
We don’t want or need our politicians to agree on how to fix the homeless crisis or on the exact tax model. Groupthink is a dangerous laziness that can infect any workplace.
On most domestic issues, healthy debate is necessary and to be welcomed.
But on Brexit, it’s time for the national parliament to speak with a single voice. Love him or loathe him, Leo Varadkar is that voice.
Already he is becoming a target for the Murdoch press in the UK, who either don’t understand the Irish question or choose not to.
The idea that the leader of an independent Republic should “shut his gob” on an issue that threatens not just its economy but, more importantly, its peace is beyond parody.
There will be more missiles fired across the Irish Sea ahead of the crucial EU summit on December 14.
With the UK’s divorce bill heading for an out-of-court settlement and broad agreement on the rights of citizens, it seems to have come as a surprise to most in the UK that solving the Irish Border could prove problematic.
The sheer stupidity of some of the statements made by UK politicians is staggering, such as Labour MP Kate Hoey’s assertion that Ireland should pay for any Border. What part of “we don’t want a Border” doesn’t she understand?
Then there was Conservative MP Iain Duncan Smith’s ‘fake news’ that the Government’s hard line was being motivated by “a presidential election coming up”. Quick, somebody tell Michael D Higgins.
And here’s another bizarre statement from an associate editor at the ‘Daily Telegraph’, Jeremy Warner, who tweeted: “The point is that the Irish Border is about so much more than economics and trade. It’s hundreds years of history; Ireland has poisoned UK politics and brought down governments for centuries, and may well do so again.”
I’m not even sure where to start with that one. There probably isn’t time to go back centuries so perhaps at the Great Hunger or 1916.
MEANWHILE, Downing Street is briefing that the mainstream Irish parties are pushing for Northern Ireland to remain within the customs union because they are afraid of losing ground to Sinn Féin’s rhetoric.
Sources in Government Buildings say they find it somewhat “scary” that the narrative developing in the UK is so offensive. “The attitude against Ireland is from a different era,” one source said.
But on the flip side, the strength of support coming from the modern ‘mainland’, including Germany, appears positive.
“There is nothing to suggest that the EU will leave us behind,” said one source familiar with the Government’s strategy for the weeks ahead.
In particular, Mr Varadkar and Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Coveney are putting their trust in EU negotiating chief Michel Barnier.
But they must also solicit the trust of the Dáil so that if Mr Varadkar seeks to stall the talks next month, the whole country will stand behind him. The stakes are simply too high for anything less.
In a positive move, Mr Coveney will meet with Fianna Fáil’s Brexit spokesman Stephen Donnelly to discuss what diplomatic efforts they can make to raise awareness among political parties across Europe in the weeks ahead.
So if new politics achieves one thing, it should be that Dublin is capable of sending out a very clear and simple message to the UK, but more importantly to our European counterparts, about what is really going on here.
The stupidity of some statements made by UK politicians has been staggering