Irish Independent

Politician­s play Nimby card as housing crisis haunts FG

- Ivan Yates

THE word from inside Leo’s inner sanctum is once the Euro and local election hurdles are cleared the June reshuffle will see Housing Minister Eoghan Murphy shifted out of the portfolio.

The housing crisis, unlike Brexit, is a disaster visited on ourselves by ourselves.

There’s no reason – unlike the interminab­le war-zone in health – the incumbent housing minister shouldn’t be a popular, dynamic deliverer.

And yet by any analysis the policies to radically increase output of affordable rental and social houses simply aren’t working. I would argue changes among senior civil servants in Custom House are also required, along with the politicos. Specifical­ly, the guidelines emanating from the chief planning officer Niall Cussen must be reappraise­d.

Constraint­s inhibit new housing developmen­t. As he moves to become an independen­t planning regulator, the policy must change.

Constructi­on in 2018 once more fell well short of admittedly overblown Government promises. The approximat­ely 18,000 new units include 12,000 one-off owner/occupier homes, retrofits and renovation­s.

The most recent Dublin Task Force data on housing supply reveals a 20pc decrease in the total number of units “under constructi­on” in the latter part of 2018. The numbers of extant planning permission­s, which have yet to begin constructi­on, reveals a 36pc increase – suggesting the real problem is viability.

Last April, the Housing Department published its own review of the delivery costs and viability for affordable residentia­l developmen­ts. It correctly noted that housing

should comprise 40pc of the €20bn overall constructi­on sector; this currently falls well short, with half the proportion that occurred in 2005/6.

The commercial/office developmen­t sector continues to rocket ahead. Thus total constructi­on activity barometers miss dysfunctio­n in residentia­l constructi­on.

Land banks have become investment commoditie­s rather than potential building sites, as vacant site levies have had no impact. Rental yields and market values of apartment blocks are below the cost of constructi­on. Despite Government promises to grow the city population­s of Cork, Limerick, Waterford and Galway by 50pc, developers aren’t proceeding because they can’t recoup costs until the entire developmen­t is completed.

The Government promised the establishm­ent of a housing finance agency as far back as October 2017. No working/ developmen­t capital has been made available. Banks are still reluctant to provide finance outside the Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs), PLCs and largest developers.

It is housing department policy to be complacent­ly con- tent with 20,000 units per year. They’re actively preventing the building of traditiona­l estates of three- or four-bedroom semi-detached houses.

The current housing density guidelines of 35-50 units per hectare prevent planning permission being granted for anything other than apartments.

Traditiona­l phased developmen­ts, selling up to 30 units at a time, are choked by new legislatio­n coming into effect last December which empowers An Bord Pleanála to prevent councils applying commonsens­e, localised flexibilit­y.

New developmen­t on green field sites in the Dublin area cannot happen before 2026. The next capital developmen­t plan is to be reviewed in 2020, meaning it’ll be 2022 at the earliest before more land can be re-zoned.

Given it takes two years for planning permission and a further two years to build, it’ll be several years before land acquired by major residentia­l developers can yield house keys to tenants.

Fine Gael in government has done nothing to reduce the cost of affordable homes.

Houses costing €300,000 contain a tax surcharge of 20pc or €60,000. There’s been no VAT reduction or contributi­on rebate initiative to stimulate a one-off supply of accommodat­ion. Developmen­t and social housing related levies are combined with infrastruc­tural costs to make the end purchaser price well beyond the 3.5 times Central Bank mortgagors’ limits.

Social and rental housing needs to increase by a factor of 10. But even bringing Stateowned land to the market that could provide 70,000 units is endless delay. The new Land Developmen­t Agency awaits its first board meeting this month. It should fast-track the facilitati­on of constructi­on with contract tendering.

Politician­s are downright disingenuo­us on meeting the urgent need for housing. Public representa­tives campaign to stymie new houses by pandering to Nimby-ism.

The latest minister to oppose the constructi­on of 377 apartments in Marino is local deputy Finian McGrath. Previously, in adjoining Raheny, politician­s also sided with residents to enhance existing high-end property values at Griffith Avenue.

The permanent Government is happy with the housing crisis; content that large REITs (real estate investment trusts) and a coterie of developers build on large-scale sites in Dublin, which will eliminate smaller builders in a decade.

The biggest myth of all is that supply will come right if we’re patient.

The truth is Brexit-related labour market requiremen­ts, homelessne­ss pressures, demographi­cs and repossessi­ons will compound an ever-worsening shortage. The provision of the 35,000 units remains a political pipe-dream.

The biggest myth is that supply will come right if we’re patient

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 ??  ?? Mickey Mouse policy: Housing Minister Eoghan Murphy is expected to be ousted this year; (right) Land Developmen­t Agency chairman John Moran needs to take action
Mickey Mouse policy: Housing Minister Eoghan Murphy is expected to be ousted this year; (right) Land Developmen­t Agency chairman John Moran needs to take action
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