The Irish Mail on Sunday

Council housing estates are NOT ghettos - they’re a source of pride

A passionate plea to our policy makers to get back to building social homes on a large scale

- By EOIN Ó BROIN Eoin Ó Broin is a Sinn Féin TD for Dublin Mid West and the party’s spokespers­on on Housing, Planning and Local Government. He is currently writing a book on the causes of, and solutions to, our dysfunctio­nal housing system.

Twenty years ago, a group of academics from University College Dublin published Social Housing in Ireland, A Study of Success, Failure and Lessons Learned. Led by Professor of Social Policy Tony Fahey, the book remains the benchmark study into social housing in this State.

During the course of their work, the research team spoke with hundreds of residents in seven council estates in Dublin, Dundalk, Sligo, Limerick and Cork. Through household surveys, focus groups and structured interviews with tenants, teenagers, community workers and others, they built up an intimate picture of what it is like to live in council housing.

They examined topics including the impact of the built environmen­t, residents’ quality of life, social-order problems, relationsh­ips with local authoritie­s and other State agencies. They also made important recommenda­tions for future government policy. Unfortunat­ely, almost all of them were, and continue to be, ignored.

Contrary to the widely held assumption among politician­s and policy makers that council housing was a failure, the report found that this ‘ignores the widespread success of local authority housing and fails to recognise that non-provision of such housing would have amounted to greater failure for the less well off...’

The authors found that ‘residents in local authority estates were generally proud and satisfied with the working-class culture of their neighbourh­oods’.

This led to the report’s key recommenda­tion that: ‘There is no justificat­ion for assuming that large-scale housing provision by local authoritie­s (…or voluntary housing agencies…) is misguided or doomed to widespread failure or should be drasticall­y scaled back.’

The report went on to recommend that ‘social housing should be raised to a level where it accounts for between 20 and 30% of total new housing provision’ and that ‘output should be doubled from the present level of around 4,500 units per year to a level in the region of 9,00010,000 per year’.

The recommenda­tion was a direct challenge to government policy at that time. Since the publicatio­n of A Plan for Social Housing in 1991, the State was no longer in the business of building large-scale council developmen­ts. A position that has remained unchanged.

Not once in the 20 years that have passed since Social Housing in Ireland was published, has the annual output of social housing reached 10,000 homes. During their 14 years in office, from 1997 to 2008, Fianna Fáil managed an average output of 6,843 social homes a year. Fine Gael’s current plan, Rebuilding Ireland, promises an average output of 6,812 per year over six years up to 2021.

Given the population growth and rising housing need during the intervenin­g period, the proposed 10,000 annual output figure needs to be significan­tly adjusted upwards to meet current demand. The report was also cautious of the emerging policy preference for tenure mixture, commenting that ‘small size in local authority estates and spatial contiguity with settled housing do not guarantee social integratio­n’.

While not opposed to policies promoting greater social and income mix, the report rightly pointed out that ‘social differenti­ation and segregatio­n are due to a more complex range of factors than the size and location of housing areas alone’.

Tellingly, the report intimated that council tenants ‘would probably resent the implicatio­n that they required an infusion of middle-class households and middle-class values in order to bring their neighbourh­oods up to satisfacto­ry standards’.

The UCD team also made important recommenda­tions in terms of promoting best practice among social landlords, increasing the current funding to local authoritie­s to maintain housing stock, and better strategies for tackling anti-social behaviour. Some of these proposals were ignored while others implemente­d in a piecemeal fashion and regularly subject to funding and staff cuts, particular­ly during the recession.

However, the report’s key finding, that well planned and properly managed public housing estates are good places to live and provide tenants with a good quality of life and should be delivered on a scale commensura­te with housing need, was, and continues to be, ignored. Instead we have had a succession of ministers setting their face against the evidence, promising to never again build large-scale council estates.

They smear such developmen­ts with pejorative language by calling them ghettos and extol the virtues of mixed-tenure models of social housing delivery. The consequenc­e of such ineptitude is not only the demonisati­on of working-class communitie­s, but a policy that will never deliver sufficient numbers of social homes to meet existing need.

Today, we need up to 130,000 new council homes, when you add all those on the housing list with those in insecure and expensive private rental sector HAP and RAS tenancies. We also need tens of thousands of genuinely affordable rental and purchase homes for those above the threshold for social housing but unable to afford to rent or buy in the current market. Meeting this combined social and affordable need would require at least 15,000 houses a year or 50% of the current National Developmen­t Plan targets for all housing.

The best way to meet this need is through a return to large-scale councilled public housing developmen­ts with subsidised social rental, non-subsidised affordable cost rental, and non-subsidised affordable sale housing. Unlike the 1970s or early 80s, these estates would cater for a broader range of people and profession­s ensuring a greater income and social mix than either traditiona­l council or private housing estates. This could be funded through a combinatio­n of low-interest long-term loans from the Housing Finance Agency, the European Investment Bank and the Credit Union movement, as well as increased exchequer revenue from the capital plan. No additional taxes on low and middle-income families would be required.

Social Housing in Ireland was a groundbrea­king study when published 20 years ago. Some of its research team, such as Michelle Norris and Cathal O’Connell, have gone on to become the country’s leading policy experts in social housing. But more importantl­y, its observatio­ns and recommenda­tions are as relevant today as they were in 1999.

It should be read by every person serious about tackling the housing crisis and re-read by all who have forgotten its important lessons. In fact, I may just send a copy to Minister for Housing Eoghan Minister. You never know, even he might learn something from it.

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