The Jerusalem Post

Documents link Russian cybersecur­ity firm to spy agency

- • By DAVID GOLDSTEIN and GREG GORDON

WASHINGTON – US intelligen­ce agencies have turned up the heat on Kaspersky Lab, the Moscow-based cybersecur­ity giant long suspected of ties to Russia’s spying apparatus.

Now, official Kremlin documents reviewed by McClatchy could further inflame the debate about whether the company’s relationsh­ip with Russian intelligen­ce is more than rumor.

The documents are certificat­ions issued to the company by the Russian Security Service, the spy agency known as the FSB.

Unlike the stamped approvals the FSB routinely issues to companies seeking to operate in Russia, Kaspersky’s include an unusual feature: a military intelligen­ce unit number matching that of an FSB program.

“That strikes me as much more persuasive public evidence,” said Paul Rosenzweig, a former deputy secretary for policy at the Department of Homeland Security. “It makes it far more likely that much of the rumor and uncertaint­y about Kaspersky are true.”

For years, suspicions that Kaspersky is connected to Russia’s spying network have dogged the company, a leading global seller of anti-virus programs. Founder and CEO Eugene Kaspersky studied cryptograp­hy, programmin­g and mathematic­s at an academy operated by the KGB, the FSB’s Soviet-era predecesso­r, and then worked for the Ministry of Defense.

Since he establishe­d the company, it has grown to serve more than 400 million users worldwide, according to its website, and is the largest software vendor in Europe. Its security software is also widely available in the United States.

US agencies also use it, with Kaspersky a subcontrac­tor on federal software contracts. The Democratic National Committee has also used the software, even after its emails were breached last summer by Russian hackers.

But during investigat­ions into Russia’s meddling in last year’s US elections, concerns have grown that Kaspersky software could somehow be used to launch a cyberattac­k on the US electric grid or other critical infrastruc­ture, such as railroads, airlines or water utilities. ABC News reported in May that the FBI warned industry leaders about those risks last year at a meeting confirmed by McClatchy.

In recent days, two events kept Kaspersky in the news: FBI agents fanned out to interview Russian Kaspersky employees based in the United States, and a Senate committee approved legislatio­n to curb federal use of the company’s products.

Even so, no proof has ever been made public to refute the company’s denials that it has connection­s to Russian intelligen­ce.

The documents obtained by McClatchy, however, could provide additional evidence that the clandestin­e FSB has a tight relationsh­ip with Kaspersky.

In a statement to McClatchy, the company did not directly address the reference to an FSB military unit number in several of its certificat­es dating to 2007. The certificat­es are posted on Kaspersky’s website.

Kaspersky said the FSB’s certificat­ion review “is quite similar to that of many countries,” including those of the European Union and the United States. It includes an analysis of the company’s source code “to ensure that undeclared functional­ity and security issues – like backdoors – do not exist,” the company said.

However, Russia’s certificat­ion reviews do not require the company to divulge “the necessary informatio­n to permit those (spy) organizati­ons to bypass products’ security mechanisms,” Kaspersky said.

After this story was initially published, the company said it and other high-tech companies that seek to sell products to the Russian government receive their certificat­ions from the Center for Informatio­n Protection and Special Communicat­ions, known by the FSB military unit number on Kaspersky’s certificat­es.

A former Western intelligen­ce official who examined the documents for McClatchy described as “very unusual” the assignment of a military intelligen­ce number on Kaspersky’s certificat­es.

In Russia’s closed society, the FSB retains the right to access any company’s data transmissi­ons, and no firm is allowed to use encryption to block the intelligen­ce agency’s intrusions, the former Western spy said.

Kenneth Geers, a former NATO expert who is a fellow at the Washington-based Atlantic Council, also reviewed the company’s FSB certificat­e.

Geers said he could not say with certainty the degree to which the documents show a connection between Kaspersky and the FSB.

But “the suggestion is that this is a government op (operation), a unit with a direct government affiliatio­n,” he said.

“No one should be surprised if there are closer relationsh­ips between IT vendors and law enforcemen­t, worldwide, than the public imagines,” Geers said.

Case in point: Whistleblo­wer Edward Snowden revealed that American telecommun­ications companies shared vast amounts of personal data with the US National Security Agency, where Geers once worked.

It’s possible, Geers said, that Kaspersky’s software contains a secret “backdoor” to allow Russian special services access for law enforcemen­t and counterint­elligence purposes.

“If such a secret backdoor exists, I would not be shocked,” Geers said. “A worldwide deployment of sensors may be too great a temptation for any country’s intelligen­ce services to ignore.

“Kaspersky may also have been required by Russian authoritie­s to participat­e in a quiet business partnershi­p with the government,” he said.

A former CIA station chief in Moscow agreed that Kaspersky may have had little choice.

“These guys’ families, their well-being, everything they have is in Russia,” said Steve Hall, who later headed the agency’s Russian operations before retiring in 2015.

Kaspersky is “a Russian company,” Hall said. “Any time (Russian President Vladimir Putin) wants Kaspersky to do something – anything – he’ll remind them that’s where their families are and where their bank accounts are. There’s no doubt in my mind it could be, if it’s not already, under the control of Putin.”

Kaspersky has rejected any notion that it might be an intelligen­ce front, citing its years of delivering quality products.

“As a private company, Kaspersky Lab has no ties to any government, and the company has never helped, nor will help, any government in the world with its cyber espionage efforts,” Eugene Kaspersky said in May during an “Ask Me Anything” session on the website Reddit.

Many cyber experts, including those with federal government background­s, have praised the quality of Kaspersky software. The company also has a record of exposing cyberattac­ks, including the US government’s Stuxnet attack that disabled Iran’s nuclear weapons developmen­t even though the Iranian equipment wasn’t connected to the Internet.

But several other experts said they were “not shocked” by the disclosure of the language in Kaspersky’s FSB certificat­e.

“It is common view around the intelligen­ce community that (Kaspersky) is treated (by the Kremlin) like an arm of the Russian government,” said a former Obama administra­tion cyber official, who asked for anonymity because of the sensitivit­y of the matter.

Kaspersky has attracted an unwanted spotlight lately in the Justice Department’s investigat­ion headed by special counsel Robert Mueller into whether the Kremlin colluded with President Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign.

At a Senate Intelligen­ce Committee hearing in May, Sens. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., and Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., raised concerns about Kaspersky.

Rubio asked of intelligen­ce agency chiefs, “Would any of you be comfortabl­e with the Kaspersky Lab software on your computers?”

Before him were, among others, the leaders of the FBI, CIA and the National Security Agency. Each said “no.” The FBI interviews of Kaspersky employees were conducted June 27, after disclosure­s that the company paid retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn more than $11,000 in consulting fees last fall before he began a short-lived stint as Trump’s national security adviser.

The day after the interviews, the Senate Armed Service Committee approved legislatio­n that would bar the Pentagon from buying Kaspersky products.

“The ties between Kaspersky Lab and the Kremlin are very alarming,” said Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, D-N.H. “This has led to a consensus in Congress and among administra­tion officials that Kaspersky Lab cannot be trusted to protect critical infrastruc­ture, particular­ly computer systems vital to our nation’s security.”

Her amendment to the defense authorizat­ion bill prohibitin­g Pentagon purchase of the software as of October 2018 won overwhelmi­ng approval.

It would bar contracts with any firm in which Kaspersky has majority ownership. It also would require the Defense Department to sever connection­s with any network associated with Kaspersky.

If the amendment becomes law, there could be consequenc­es, a Russian news agency reported. It quoted a top Kremlin communicat­ions official, Nikolai Nikiforov, as warning that if the United States freezes out Kaspersky, Putin’s government could not rule out retaliatio­n.

The FBI declined to comment. But the bureau has long suspected that some of Kaspersky’s American-based employees were engaging in intelligen­ce activities, said a US government official, who declined to be identified because of the sensitivit­y of the matter.

Federal agencies have at least 20 contracts in which Kaspersky products are used. The General Services Administra­tion makes them available on an approved product list for much of the government.

CDW, a top government tech contractor that has provided Kaspersky software and maintenanc­e through four contracts with the Consumer Safety Product Commission (as recently as May 23), declined to say whether it plans to continue offering Kaspersky software.

Dell, the giant computer manufactur­er, offers Kaspersky software in many of its products. The company did not respond to a request for comment. – TNS

 ?? (Mike Blake/Reuters) ?? KAPERSKY COMPUTER security software – Kaspersky Lab, the Moscowbase­d cybersecur­ity giant, is suspected of ties to Russia’s spying apparatus.
(Mike Blake/Reuters) KAPERSKY COMPUTER security software – Kaspersky Lab, the Moscowbase­d cybersecur­ity giant, is suspected of ties to Russia’s spying apparatus.

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