The Jerusalem Post

Superfluou­s laws

THINK ABOUT IT

- • By SUSAN HATTIS ROLEF

Poland’s new Holocaust-related legislatio­n is despicable, because of its background and spirit more than its actual wording. The legislatio­n seeks to detach Poland from responsibi­lity for the Holocaust, which was initiated and perpetrate­d by Nazi Germany, turning any insinuatio­n that Poland and the Polish nation hold such responsibi­lity into a violation of the law, even though it does not deny (or admit) that individual Poles actively or passively participat­ed in despicable Holocaust-related activities, or collaborat­ion with the Nazi authoritie­s.

In other words, it is not at all clear whether Prof. Jan Grabowski from Canada – the son of a Polish Holocaust survivor – would be found to be in breach of the new law following the publicatio­n of his book Hunt for the Jews: Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied Poland, published in October 2013, which deals with the murder of Jews by Poles during World War II.

The law should, however, be seen against the background of growing criticism in the West of the Law and Justice Party-led Polish government for truncating democratic norms and institutio­ns through policies designed to emasculate judicial independen­ce, weaken civil liberties, politicize the civil service and exert control over the media. Sound familiar?

Sadly, similar criticism can also justifiabl­y be hurled at the current Israeli government. Part of the criticism relates to laws passed by the Knesset – some government-initiated, and others private members’ bills supported by the government – that deserve the descriptio­n “anti-democratic” and should never have been submitted in the first place, even if the intentions behind them were not anti-democratic.

Though the Knesset has not passed a law as objectiona­ble as the Polish Holocaust-related law, it has passed legislatio­n that appears to deny historical facts. Thus, the 2011 “Nakba Law” enables the Finance Minister to deny government financing to bodies that view Israel’s Independen­ce Day as a day of mourning, even though there is no denying that the establishm­ent of the State of Israel led to a catastroph­e for the Palestinia­n Arabs, resulting in hundreds of thousands of Palestinia­ns becoming refugees, and the loss of property even by those who remained in Israel.

Of course, the fact that the Arabs had rejected the 1947 UN partition plan and refused to establish a Palestinia­n state in part of what was Mandatory Palestine places part of the responsibi­lity for what happened to the Palestinia­ns in 1948/49 on them. But neverthele­ss, rejecting the Nakba out of hand, and putting in place sanctions against Israeli citizens who view it as an integral part of their history, is a denial of historical facts.

However, it should also be noted that the original Nakba Bill (proposed by Yisrael Beytenu MK Alex Miller) sought to impose imprisonme­nt of up to three years on anyone marking Israel’s Independen­ce Day as a day of mourning and was rejected out of hand by the Knesset, which further differenti­ates I DO not intend to list all the problemati­c bills rejected and laws passed which were supported by the current government, but should like to mention one, that will apparently be brought to the plenum in the Knesset’s summer session, with coalition support.

This time it is a bill that not only seeks to hurt the Arabs, but also the haredim (ultra-Orthodox). The bill was submitted by MK Oded Forer, and another MK from Yisrael Beytenu, and seeks to change the wording of the declaratio­n of allegiance of Knesset members, that currently says: “I undertake to be loyal to the State of Israel, and fulfill faithfully my mission in the Knesset.” THE PROPOSED new version would state that “I undertake to be loyal to the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, in the spirit of the Proclamati­on of Independen­ce, to uphold its emblems and respect them .... ”

What is wrong with this proposal? It seeks to force Arab and haredi MKs to include words in their declaratio­n of allegiance that are objectiona­ble to them, which would either cause them to lie in their oath, or deny them a seat in the Knesset on grounds that are undemocrat­ic and likely to result in the delegitima­tion of the political and government­al system.

One of the passive elements in the job of the MK is to provide legitimati­on to the political and government system among their voters. By playing the parliament­ary game according to the rules and procedures, even if they have reservatio­ns about the definition of the system (which applies to both the Arab and the haredi MKs) , MKs contribute to the stability of the system.

If the representa­tives of close to a third of the population (Arabs and haredim) decide to break the rules of the game, for whatever reason, the system is liable to be shaken, and democracy weakened.

When the original declaratio­n of allegiance for MKs was worded in 1948/49 in the Justice Ministry, it was deliberate­ly decided to prefer a minimalist­ic version to a more elaborate one, to avoid dissent – and indeed, never did an MK refuse to make the declaratio­n [though MK Meir Kahane of the Kach Party tried to add words of his own, and was finally forced to retract].

Throughout the years, but especially the past two decades, all efforts to add words to the declaratio­n were warded off by the government, on the grounds that shaking the boat was superfluou­s and dangerous. The current government is the first to change course – not necessaril­y because it wishes to undermine the position of the Arabs and the haredim, but within the framework of the prime minister’s policy of giving in to the legislativ­e demands of his coalition members to avoid coalition crises; in this case the bill is a Yisrael Beytenu hobby horse.

This is not to say that the prime minister, or any of his ministers, have decided to deliberate­ly undermine the Israeli democratic system, it is simply that many of them do not seem to have given sufficient thought to the long-term implicatio­ns of their proposals, beyond their serving immediate political interests, or weakening the old liberal and social-democratic elites, who despite many years in opposition still seem to have a say in what happens in Israel (and thank heavens for that).

However, no matter what their motives, it is time that our government started looking at the long-term ramificati­ons of its actions, and if it cannot do so through introspect­ion, perhaps it can do so by looking at what is happening in Poland, an extreme right-wing, chauvinist­ic and racist country that places “national honor” above all other values and enacts superfluou­s laws in its service.

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