The Jerusalem Post

A complex, often toxic relationsh­ip

- ANALYSIS • By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

“Shame on you!” tweeted Ibrahim Kalin, adviser to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, on Monday. Kalin condemned the killing of Palestinia­ns in Gaza and contrasted it with the “singing and celebratin­g” as the US moved its embassy to Jerusalem. “The world shares this shame in its silence.”

Hours later, the Israeli ambassador to Turkey was notified that Ankara intended to expel him. Turkey lowered its flags to half-staff to commemorat­e those killed in Gaza, and two political parties sought to annul agreements with Israel and impose economic sanctions. It is the latest spat in a long, historic and tumultuous relationsh­ip.

Turkey was the first Muslim country to recognize Israel, in 1949, and the states enjoyed relatively warm relations for many decades. Turkey and Israel shared many interests in the region as allies of the West and modern, relatively secular countries in a region dominated by Arab nationalis­m and rising religious extremism.

The 1990s and early 2000s were the peak of the relationsh­ip, with military and economic relations growing. A memorial for slain Ottoman soldiers was built in Beersheba and a statue of Ataturk, the founder of modern Turkey, unveiled. A massive delegation of Turkish businesspe­ople visited Israel in 2007. Kurdish protesters even attacked the Israeli Embassy in Berlin in 1999, accusing

Israel of playing a role in the Turkish capture of Kurdistan Workers Party leader Abdullah Ocalan.

Initially under Erdogan and the rise of his Justice and Developmen­t Party (AKP) in 2002, relations continued to be warm. Erdogan visited Israel, condemned antisemiti­sm and sought to play a role in an Israel-Syrian peace agreement. Turkey also sought to help with Israeli-Palestinia­n peace initiative­s, and both Shimon Peres and Mahmoud Abbas visited Turkey.

Erdogan told The Washington Post in 2009 that Israel should engage Hamas: “Hamas is not an arm of Iran. Hamas entered the [Palestinia­n] elections as a political party. If the whole world had given them the chance of becoming a political player, maybe they would not be in a situation like this after the elections that they won [in January 2006].”

TURKEY WAS seeking to broker a Syria-Israel deal and was disgusted when prime minister Ehud Olmert visited Ankara and then returned to Israel and launched Operation Cast Lead against Hamas in Gaza.

In January 2009, Erdogan walked off stage at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerlan­d, after comments by then president Peres. Cast Lead destroyed confidence in Israel among the leadership of the AKP, and relations have never recovered.

In May 2010, a flotilla led by the Turkish Mavi Marmara passenger ship and manned by members of the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights and Freedoms and Humanitari­an Aid (IHH) sought to break the blockade of Gaza. A raid by Israel Navy commandos led to the deaths of 10 Turkish citizens in a melee on deck. Turkey withdrew its ambassador and accused Israel of a “bloody massacre” aboard the ship. Joint military exercises were canceled.

Then in 2016, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim patched up relations to a degree, with Israel agreeing to pay $20 million to Turkey for those slain on the Marmara. Economic relations were a backdrop to the deal. Israel was discussing exporting natural gas to Turkey, and in 2017, Energy Minister Yuval Steinitz was in discussion­s with his Turkish counterpar­t about a pipeline deal. Israel was also reported to be buying oil from the Turkish port of Ceyhan. The Financial Times wrote that this included oil shipped from the Kurdish autonomous region in northern Iraq.

The backdrop to the recent anger at Israel by Ankara is not just the protests in Gaza. In the lead-up to the Kurdish referendum in Iraq in September, Turkish politician­s objected to the flying of Israeli flags by Kurds in northern Iraq. In December, when President Donald Trump announced that the US was recognizin­g Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, Turkey hosted a meeting of the Organizati­on of the Islamic Conference to condemn the move. Erdogan condemned Israel as a “terror state.”

When the Gaza protests broke out on March 30 and more than a dozen Palestinia­ns were killed, the Turkish president called it a “massacre.” Netanyahu responded with harsh criticism of Turkey’s actions in Syria, where Turkey had been fighting the Kurdish People’s Protection Units, a group Ankara views as terrorists. “Anyone who occupies northern Cyprus, invades the Kurdish strip and slaughters citizens in Afrin should not lecture us,” Netanyahu said.

It came as no surprise when Erdogan tweeted on Tuesday that Hamas “is not a terrorist organizati­on,” writing that it was a “resistance movement that defends the Palestinia­n homeland against an occupying power.” Perhaps more surprising was that the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) and the Republican People’s Party (CHP) sought to annul the 2016 agreement with Israel, and the CHP sought to have Turkey’s ambassador permanentl­y withdrawn.

The AKP opposed canceling the agreement, but Prime Minister Yildirim said Muslim countries should review their ties with Israel. Commentato­r Serkan Demirtas, writing at Hurriyet, noted that ties might be ruined.

THERE ARE several layers to the current war of words between Ankara and Jerusalem. First is the embassy and Jerusalem issue. Turkey supports the Palestinia­ns’ demand for Jerusalem as their capital. Turkey also uses the Organizati­on of the Islamic Conference to garner Islamic support regarding the Jerusalem issue. And Ankara is outraged by the deaths in Gaza.

The AKP has long been supportive of Hamas, arguing that it is a legitimate political organizati­on. But this support has put Turkey at odds with other countries because Turkey was also supportive of the Muslim Brotherhoo­d contesting elections in Egypt. This is part of a wider struggle where Turkey and Qatar embraced the Muslim Brotherhoo­d in the early 2000s. But other countries in the region, such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, have come to oppose the Brotherhoo­d, and they are critical of Hamas.

Turkey’s problems with Jerusalem therefore are threefold. Religious anger over Jerusalem, empathy with Palestinia­ns in general, support for Mahmud Abbas politicall­y, support for Hamas as well as support for humanitari­an aid to Gaza and regional anger that Riyadh, Abu Dhabi and Cairo appear to be closer politicall­y to Israel. This is ironic since Turkey has diplomatic and trade relations with Israel while Riyadh and Abu Dhabi do not.

But nothing is as black and white as it seems. Qatar has been supporting Gaza financiall­y via Israel and views Israel as a key to its continued ability to work in the Strip. US presidenti­al envoy Jason Greenblatt was in Doha on Wednesday meeting with Qatar’s Foreign Minister Sheikh Muhammad Bin Abdulrahma­n al-Thani and discussing Gaza.

The AKP’s decision to oppose canceling the 2016 agreement is tied to the desire by Ankara, which is close to Doha, to continue to play a role in aiding the Palestinia­ns rather than ruin relations with Israel, since all these relationsh­ips are intertwine­d.

That is dependent on Jerusalem’s decisions as well.

Anger at Turkey’s decision to expel the Israeli ambassador and rhetoric from Turkey will encourage Israel to speak out about the Kurds and other issues. With Turkey planning an Organizati­on of the Islamic Conference meeting and rallies at the end of the week, and campaign electionee­ring taking place in Turkey, relations could sour more. •

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