The Jerusalem Post

Should Turkey be kicked out of NATO?

- • By ALI DEMIRDAS

The question of whether Turkey should be kicked out of NATO has been asked many times due to Ankara’s recent acquisitio­n of a major Russian weaponry. “How dare a member of the world’s largest defense organizati­on (NATO) buy one of the most advanced missile defense systems from the very country which the organizati­on was establishe­d against?” (Although, Greece, a NATO member, acquired Russian S300s – the predecesso­r of S400s – and Russian TOR-M1s in 2007).

However, it is the United States, not NATO that has made the S400s a big deal. NATO chief Jens Stoltenber­g has repeatedly called for a dialogue, reiteratin­g that “Turkey is much more than S400,” whereas Washington has constantly hurled threats at Ankara, which has proven counterpro­ductive. No other NATO member other than the US has threatened to impose sanctions on Turkey due to the S400s.

The case of Turkey’s possible departure from NATO necessitat­es the examinatio­n of three questions: Can Turkey be kicked out of the alliance? Why would Turkey want to remain part of the alliance? Why would NATO want to keep Turkey within the alliance?

The answer to the first question is rather simple. Turkey can’t be kicked out of NATO because there is not a mechanism embedded in the treaty’s constituti­on that would allow the member states to show a “rogue member” the door. NATO is like the European Union. When Greece became dead weight for the EU in the aftermath of 2008-9 debt crisis, many wondered why Brussels simply didn’t boot Athens out and be done with the problem. It didn’t happen despite the grave danger of Greece pulling all of Europe down in its collapse. Instead, Brussels, however unpopular it was, particular­ly among the northern European nations, poured money into keeping Athens afloat.

An EU member can only leave the union voluntaril­y, which is now the case with Great Britain. Therefore, Turkey will technicall­y remain in NATO unless its government proceeds with a divorce plan, which even if proposed, would take up to a decade for the negotiatio­ns to be completed, considerin­g how extensive Turkey is interwoven with NATO.

Why would Turkey want to

remain a NATO member?

• First, NATO is a political union as much as it is a military alliance, and a prestigiou­s one at that. Being part of it is akin to being part of the developed world, which Turkey has aspired to since its inception in 1923.

• Second, by staying in the alliance, Turkey is able to greatly influence the policies made in Brussels. In principle, all NATO decisions require consensus. Therefore, Ankara could effectivel­y block any decision that it deems against its interests. For instance, in 2017, Turkey blocked NATO’s attempts to develop a partnershi­p with Austria, in retaliatio­n for Vienna’s repeated vetoes of Turkey’s EU membership bid. This veto power is particular­ly important for Turkey given the seriousnes­s of the conflict brewing in the Eastern Mediterran­ean. Greece (a NATO member), the Greek Cypriots and Israel have formed a coalition against Turkey with regard to the partition of massive hydrocarbo­n reserves.

As the possibilit­y of a military confrontat­ion in the Eastern Mediterran­ean becomes increasing­ly likely, and the idea of Israel becoming a NATO member is entertaine­d more and more, Turkey, using its veto power, would want to keep the Greek Cypriots and Israel out of NATO. Also, the prospect of an all-out military confrontat­ion between Greece and Turkey over the Aegean Sea is greatly reduced as both nations are ‘NATO allies.’ • Finally, why does NATO want to keep Turkey in the alliance? Foremost, the Turkish military and its combat readiness in the alliance, is only surpassed by that of the US. Without Turkey, the European wing of NATO would be rendered quite weak. Furthermor­e, Turkey’s geopolitic­al importance is crucial for both Europe and the US. It is the only NATO member that has borders with the Middle East (Syria, Iraq and Iran) and Europe simultaneo­usly.

Turkey has acted as a bulwark for Europe with the Syrian crisis, holding off and absorbing more than four million refugees. This is almost half of Greece’s population! Moreover, Turkey controls the Bosporus and the Dardanelle­s, two of the world’s most critical choke points that have historical­ly prevented Russian imperialis­m from reaching to the Mediterran­ean Sea.

It is important to note that regardless of the level of cooperatio­n between Turkey and Russia, the policy-makers in Ankara are aware that given the last 300 years of history between the countries, this partnershi­p has only developed due to the present circumstan­ces in the Middle East and will not likely turn into a full-blown alliance.

Additional­ly, the Incirlik Air Base and the Kurecik Radar Station (a ballistic missile deterrent some 300 miles to the Iran border) provide NATO with vital capability to shield Europe from threats emanating from the Middle East. The Incirlik Base has proven rather effective in the wars in the Balkans, Afghanista­n, and Syria. While Cyprus, Kuwait, and Crete have been cited as alternativ­es to Turkey, such a move hasn’t been adopted by Washington because Incirlik’s strategic location and infrastruc­ture have proven indispensa­ble.

It is now a known fact that the Kurecik Radar Station was establishe­d in 2012 to deter Iranian ballistic missile threats against Israel. In fact Kurecik, in tandem with its twin the US X-band station on Mount Keren in the Negev Desert, provide an unpreceden­ted early warning capability for Israel, considerin­g that mere minutes matter in an Iranian ballistic missile attack. Therefore Washington wouldn’t want to risk Israel’s security by provoking Turkey any further. The US hesitation to slap sanctions on Turkey after the S400 hardware began to touch down in Ankara last week coincides with the Turkish foreign minister’s threat that such a move would result in closing both Incirlik and Kurecik.

Being the only Muslim-majority member-state, Turkey provides a unique role within NATO. It has been the case particular­ly in Afghanista­n, with which Turkey has historic and religious ties. For instance, then Kabul provincial governor Dr. Zabibullah Mojadid (2009-2011) said, “Contrary to some other internatio­nal forces here, the Turks don’t march through our streets with their guns and their caravans, ready to fire. When you see other forces with their hands on their triggers, people are very intimidate­d. Afghans don’t look at the Turkish forces as foreign forces here, they somehow view them as their own.”

Turkey has drifted toward Russia because NATO (the US in particular) hasn’t appeased Turkey’s concerns emanating from Syria. The Turks now believe it is the US that is underminin­g Turkey’s security by cooperatin­g with Turkey’s enemy – the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK. The US actions toward Turkey are adversely affecting the transatlan­tic alliance.

The current state of Turkish-American relations is like a couple living separately but compelled to stay married for insurance and tax benefits. It takes all sides working together to save the marriage. In spite of the current challenges in the relationsh­ip with the US/NATO, Turkey is likely to continue to be a part of NATO. A divorce would prove too detrimenta­l for both sides.

The writer was a Fulbright scholar and earned a PhD in internatio­nal relations from the University of South Carolina in 2015. He was an adjunct professor at the College of Charleston, SC (20112018). His articles have appeared in The National Interest.

 ?? (Umit Bektas/Reuters) ?? A SCENE FROM the Turkish Army’s annual winter military exercises last year.
(Umit Bektas/Reuters) A SCENE FROM the Turkish Army’s annual winter military exercises last year.

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