Yamina declares it will serve as an opposition party

Yuli Edelstein reportedly offered education portfolio

The Yamina Party on Sunday said it will be sitting in the opposition in the coming Knesset. It accused the incoming government of being leftwing and said Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had shown “gross disrespect” toward the right-wing party.

In a bitter and bellicose press statement announcing its decision, Yamina attacked Netanyahu’s right-wing credentials over the justice system and policies toward Hamas in Gaza. It said it was preparing for the post-Netanyahu political era.

Channel 12 reported on Sunday night that the swearing in of the new government, which now looks likely to not include Yamina, could be pushed to Thursday due to the visit of US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Wednesday, although a spokesman for the Likud said the swearing in was still planned for Wednesday.

“In light of the composition of the government and its apparent policies as a leftwing government headed by Netanyahu, and in light of the gross disrespect of the prime minister toward Yamina and its voters, Yamina has decided to serve the public in the opposition in the coming term and to fight from there for the nationalist camp,” the party said in a press statement.

The decision had been made after exhaustive negotiations with the Likud, which “chose to dismantle the right-wing camp and its right-wing partners,” Yamina said.

The party said it would “prepare for the day after Netanyahu,” which it said would come “in six months,” and would form a “real, right-wing alternative” to the Likud while in the opposition.

Yamina is “a right-wing [party] that is not prepared to sell out the justice system to the Left for personal survival,” it said in its statement, referring to the concessions Netanyahu and the Likud made to Blue and White over control of the Justice Ministry, influence over judicial appointments and those of senior law-enforcement officials.

Yamina’s statement attacked Netanyahu for what it described as his willingness to ingratiate himself to Hamas and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. It accused him of “selling Judaism to politicos,” referring to the prime minister’s deference to the haredim (ultra-Orthodox) on matters of religion and state.

Later on Sunday, the party leaders convened to discuss their position and issued a statement along similar lines.

Senior Yamina MK Ayelet Shaked used somewhat softer language, saying that “as it looks now,” Netanyahu was not interested in bringing the party into the coalition.

Yamina sources said the Likud had not yet established a real team for negotiations with Yamina, adding that this attitude called into question whether Netanyahu had ever been serious about bringing

the religious-Zionist party into the coalition.

“Until now, [the Likud] have not called us for negotiations,” Shaked said, adding that instead, party officials have received a series of vague offers by telephone.

The former justice minister said at issue was not only ministries but also other positions of influence, such as the chairmanship of the Committee for Appointing Rabbinical Judges, which was given to Shas without discussion, the chairmanship of the Knesset Constitution, Law and Justice Committee and other posts.

“This is not how you conduct negotiations with a partner,” Shaked said.

In response, the Likud asked whether Yamina would have entered the government if it would have received another ministerial portfolio, as it had demanded.

“This will be the first government in the history of the state that will apply sovereignty over Judea and Samaria, and it is a shame that Yamina will not be part of this just because of internal fights over the allocation of ministerial portfolios,” Likud said. “We hope Yamina will regain its composure, demonstrate national responsibility and enter a government that will lead a historic process in the history of Zionism.”

Separately, Netanyahu met with former Knesset speaker Yuli Edelstein, who asked for his old job back.

Blue and White demanded that Edelstein be denied the position since in March he defied a decision made by the High Court of Justice to hold a vote on appointing a speaker when it was inevitable that Edelstein would have been replaced.

According to Channel 13, Edelstein is now likely to be given the Education Ministry, while cabinet minister and Netanyahu loyalist Yariv Levin will become speaker.

Other senior ministries to be given to Likud members include Justice Minister Amir Ohana and another Netanyahu loyalist, who is likely to be the new internal security minister, and Foreign Minister Israel Katz, who is set to become the new finance minister.

Culture and Sports Minister Miri Regev has been offered the role of transportation minister •

Erdan has turned him down every time. This is likely because, as one of the party’s most popular MKs, he views himself as a candidate for the next leader of Likud and does not want to miss the opportunity to run in the party’s primary.

Ambassadors are strictly prohibited from partisan political activities, and Danon has come under fire for violations of this rule. That means Erdan would not be able to do any public groundwork for a future Likud leadership run while there.

Erdan does not have a high international profile – though, to be fair, few Israeli politicians do – but he does have experience in the international area, especially in the past five years. As Strategic Affairs minister, he has been involved in fighting boycotts against Israel and advocating greater caution by the international community to ensure its aid money to the Palestinians does not go to supporting terrorism and incitement. The UN is, of course, a prime offender on that second count.

The Public Security ministry, Erdan’s other portfolio, is also one that has extensive ties with its counterparts around the world and helps train foreign police departments in counter-terrorism tactics.

Aside from Erdan’s experience in the international arena, his oratorical talents would serve him well in the UN. Erdan is known to be a skilled speaker in the Knesset as a representative of the Likud in even the toughest television studios. He’s especially effective when he’s on the attack, which is an important skill to have in the UN, for speaking out against the Palestinians and Iran. With a little practice, he could hone that skill in English, as well.

Other, more enthusiastic presumptive contenders for ambassador to the UN are Diaspora Affairs Minister Tzipi Hotovely and Welfare and Social Services Minister Ofir Akunis, neither of whom has been offered the job.

Since Hotovely entered politics in 2009, as a young lawyer who reached fame representing right-wing views on a television debate show, her dream job has been education minister, and she’d still love that job. She’d also be happy to remain Diaspora minister, a role she’s only held since January, which means she was not able to travel to Jewish communities. However, that job is going to Blue and White, according to their agreement with Likud.

Hotovely was deputy foreign minister in 2015-2019, which gives her significant experience in international affairs that would help her as UN ambassador.

“After four years at the Foreign Ministry, I see myself as someone

who can defend Israel,” Hotovely said of the UN role.

If Hotovely is appointed Israel’s ambassador to the UN, she would be the second woman in the role and the first in more than a decade, which could be an advantage in an arena where Israel’s image is important.

Akunis has long seen himself as a prime candidate for ambassador to the UN, and would happily head to Turtle Bay. What he says he won’t do is be ambassador to the UK, contrary to media reports.

His ministerial experience does not lend itself to the role in a way that is as obvious as Hotovely’s, but – as last week’s State Comptroller’s Report pointed out – the Science and Technology Ministry, a portfolio he held for four years, has extensive international activities, allowing Akunis to hone important skills on this job.

With Akunis at the helm, the ministry signed 25 agreements with countries around the world. He brought NASA’s leadership to Israel and visited their headquarters. In addition, Akunis was the engine behind an international science policy conference in 2018, the first of its kind, with delegations from 30 different countries.

With the competition for portfolios in the Likud as stiff as ever, the UN is an attractive alternative for some ministers. We’ll probably know who will be heading for New York by the time the government is sworn in on Wednesday. •

that it shouldn’t know borders or boundaries... I’m sure there’s a lot of scope for cooperation.”

Nusseibeh referred to Israeli scientific research on treatment for COVID-19, calling it “very exciting” and saying there is “potentially room for cooperation here.”

The ambassador said, responding to questions from Channel 13 reporter Barak Ravid: “I think public health space should be an unpoliticized space where we all try to pool our collective knowledge of this virus to improve the lives of many people around the world.”

Talk of cooperation with Gulf states on fighting coronavirus comes after years of closer ties between Israel and those countries, in light of their opposition to Iran and encouragement from the US administration.

Last week, US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman said he’s “very optimistic” about stronger ties between Israel and Gulf states in the coming years, and that they will likely come collectively, from a group of countries, rather than one making the first step.

“Allies with America could also be allies with each other; that’s the natural progression of the relationships,” he said.

The public peak of these growing relations was a workshop titled “Peace to Prosperity” in Bahrain last year, meant to encourage investments in the Palestinian economy, but there have been reports – confirmed by Schneier – that Gulf leaders would be willing to meet with Israel’s leadership. •

chance. It has been cited repeatedly by Netanyahu backers as a sterling example of the legal elite out to protect its own, and as proof of how Netanyahu is judged and held by a different standard.

So why is this case again coming up now?

On Friday night, Channel 13 journalist Ayala Hasson-Nesher, who has been doggedly covering the affair for the better part of the decade, let it be known that one of the tapes of a conversation between Ashkenazi and Mandelblit raised possible obstruction-of-justice questions. There is a gag order on the tape of that conversation, whose existence was first revealed in February, because of the manner in which it was recorded, a manner that does not enable it to be presented as evidence.

And how does all this impact on Netanyahu’s upcoming trial? It is being used by some Netanyahu backers to present Mandelblit, the man who decided to press charges against the prime minister, as someone who himself is far from a straight shooter and as someone whose integrity has been impugned. While it is not clear how that may impact on the three judges who will hear Netanyahu’s case, fertilizing this seed in the mind of the public will lead to questions about the legitimacy of the whole trial, a legitimacy that many already question.

And all this is happening two weeks before the trial, a likely promo of how nasty things will get once the actual trial begins, and both the pro- and anti-Netanyahu camps can be expected to stop at little to delegitimize one another. Those who thought and hoped that with a new Netanyahu-Benny Gantz rotation government the ugliness of the election campaigns the country witnessed over the last 18 months would be on the wane are likely to be in for a considerable disappointment. •

the political arena.

In recent weeks, the PA has been waging a diplomatic campaign to rally as many countries as possible against the Israeli plan, scheduled to be implemented on July 1. The PA is also hoping that several international institutions, including the UN Security Council and General Assembly, would endorse the Palestinian stance against the plan.

Many Palestinians, meanwhile, remain skeptical about PA President Mahmoud Abbas’s recurring threats to walk away from the signed agreements with Israel.

On Sunday, senior Fatah official Azzam al-Ahmed said Abbas has formed a joint PLO-Fatah committee to study the PA response to the Israeli plan. The formation of the committee is seen by some Palestinians as an attempt to “bury” the controversy surrounding the plan and divert attention from Abbas’s failure to carry out his repeated threats.

PLO and Fatah officials who participated in emergency meetings in Ramallah last week to discuss the Israeli plan to apply Israeli law to parts of the West Bank expressed doubt that Abbas would carry out his threats.

The officials pointed out that the Palestinian leadership does not hold powerful cards that could be used against Israel and the US administration.

The officials noted, however, that the Palestinian leadership may present broad international opposition to, and condemnation of, the Israeli plan as a “major diplomatic achievement” for the Palestinians – one that does not necessarily require Abbas to take draconian measures, such as terminating agreements with Israel.

Hamas, on the other hand, is already indicating that international condemnations and UN resolutions rejecting the Israeli plan will not be enough.

Such condemnations have previously proven to be ineffective, a Hamas official said on Sunday, adding that statements from the international community had failed to prevent US President Donald Trump from recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital or move the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

“Hamas believes there are only two ways to confront the Israeli plan,” the Hamas official said. “First, by achieving national unity. Second, by escalating the resistance against Israel, especially in the West Bank.”

The official added, nonetheless, that he does not believe Abbas is interested in ending his dispute with Hamas. Nor is Abbas interested in a new wave of violence in the West Bank, because he is afraid that anarchy and lawlessness would

undermine the PA, the Hamas official explained.

Musa Abu Marzouk, a member of the Hamas “political bureau,” said the Palestinians need to agree on a “unified national program” if they want to succeed in thwarting the Israeli plan. That program, he said, should be based on carrying out “resistance” activities and abandoning the option of a peaceful settlement with Israel.

When Hamas talks about “resistance” activities, it means it wants to see Palestinians resort to armed attacks against Israel, preferably in the context of a new intifada (uprising). But Hamas knows that as long as security coordination between the PA and Israel continues, it would be almost impossible for its members to resume major terrorist attacks.

That is why several Hamas officials have called on the Palestinian leadership to at least halt the security coordination in response to the Israeli plan.

Abdel Latif Qanou, a Hamas spokesperson in the Gaza Strip, said he was expecting Abbas to “give the resistance a free hand to operate in the West Bank.” Qanou, in other words, wants Abbas to order his security forces to stop their crackdown on Hamas members in the West Bank so that they would be able to launch attacks against Israel if the plan is implemented.

In addition, Qanou said, Hamas wants Abbas to cancel the Oslo Accords signed with Israel in 1993 and revoke PLO recognition of Israel’s right to live in peace and security.

What is certain is that Hamas does not want the Palestinian response to the Israeli plan to come from the Gaza Strip. Hamas leaders have stressed in recent months that, for now, they are not interested in another military confrontation.

That is why Hamas leaders have so far refrained from threatening to resume terrorist attacks against Israel from the Gaza Strip. Instead, they are emphasizing the response should be in the West Bank, with the hope of targeting soldiers and settlers.

Even if the Palestinians in the West Bank don’t heed Hamas’s call for erupting into violence against Israel, Hamas is confident that the Israeli plan, if implemented, would further undermine the PA’s credibility, particularly regarding Abbas’s declared commitment to the two-state solution and peace with Israel.

Under the current circumstances, Hamas’s chances of triggering a new intifada in the West Bank are almost nonexistent. Hamas, meanwhile, is hoping that the Israeli plan would at least drive more Palestinians toward the Hamas-led rejectionist camp. •