The Jerusalem Post

The Kaminitz Law’s uncertain future: not enough ado… about something

- • By MEIR DEUTSCH

Illegal constructi­on on public and private land is a national epidemic that has been ravaging the Israeli landscape for far too long. Each year, thousands of structures spring up in violation of Israel’s Planning and Constructi­on Law; current estimates number them in the hundreds of thousands.

This wildcat constructi­on threatens the prospects for planned, organized constructi­on and developmen­t, stymies formulatio­n of long-range planning policy, and stunts efforts to develop modern national and local infrastruc­ture, but first and foremost, it endangers the resolution of Israel’s housing crisis, which is particular­ly acute in the minority sector.

Despite often-repeated claims to the contrary, the majority of Arab settlement­s in Israel have municipal masterplan­s that enable legal constructi­on and developmen­t. On the other hand, most of the land in these communitie­s is privately owned, and illegal constructi­on is both widespread and unenforced, resulting in a supply-demand imbalance that prevents the implementa­tion of existing developmen­t plans.

A special committee, headed by Deputy Attorney General (Civil Affairs) Erez Kaminitz, presented a comprehens­ive, in-depth analysis of the phenomenon of illegal constructi­on and its devastatin­g impact to the Knesset in January 2016, and proposed a series of legislativ­e amendments that would vastly improve the state’s ability to address the problems and more efficientl­y enforce Israel’s Planning and Constructi­on Law.

These proposed amendments, known collective­ly as Amendment 116 but commonly referred to as the Kaminitz Law, were ratified by the 20th Knesset in 2017 and incorporat­ed in Chapter 10 (“Oversight, Enforcemen­t and Penalties”) of Israel’s Planning and Constructi­on Law.

Amendment 116 mandates stiff penalties for illegal constructi­on and places efficient enforcemen­t tools and significan­tly enhanced authority in the hands of inspectors, including the authority to issue workstop and administra­tive demolition orders that cut through lengthy, complex legal procedures that had been required in the past. Hefty administra­tive fines were instituted as a deterrent to new illegal constructi­on, and municipali­ties were empowered to act swiftly and decisively against offenders. In addition, the Kaminitz Law required the relevant authoritie­s to revamp demolition priorities, carry out more efficient mapping and reporting of constructi­on violations, and more.

According to data presented to the Knesset in December 2019, in the two years following the Kaminitz Law’s implementa­tion, common constructi­on offenses were reduced by 41%, and serious constructi­on offenses were slashed by 75%.

Since the Kaminitz Law’s ratificati­on, the United Arab List has waged an unrelentin­g battle to repeal it: In 2019, they conditione­d their recommenda­tion to the president of a candidate to form the government on the law’s repeal. In another attempt in late 2019, they conditione­d their vote on the dissolutio­n of the Knesset upon the repeal of the Kaminitz Law. In October 2020, an attempt by MK Gadeer Mreeh (Yesh Atid-Telem) to legislate a “suspension” of the law pending approval of masterplan­s for Arab municipali­ties, was defeated.

Bowing to this incessant political pressure, in November 2020 then-justice minister Avi Nissenkorn announced that the attorney general had reached an agreement with the Ministry of Justice, the Treasury and the United Arab List to institute a two-year enforcemen­t moratorium against existing residentia­l structures in Arab and Druze municipali­ties and structures in the agricultur­al sector eligible for legalizati­on. The agreement also calls for expedited planning and registrati­on activity during the moratorium period.

Nissenkorn’s “agreement” amounts to a severe limitation of the provisions of the law and a dangerous circumvent­ion of the Knesset’s authority. It undermines the basic concepts of legislativ­e democracy and the rule of law, protects constructi­on offenders and encourages constructi­on offenses. But that is apparently not enough: Leftwing parties, in an attempt to garner the support of the Arab parties for the coalition-building mandate, are now seeking the total repeal of the law.

This would restore the status quo ante, resulting in a complete reversal of the progress that has been made since 2017 against illegal constructi­on. It would once again deprive municipal authoritie­s of the ability to act effectivel­y against constructi­on criminals, making it difficult to promote stable, long-term planning policy for responsibl­e utilizatio­n of Israel’s limited land reserves and severely impairing the state’s ability to develop national and local constructi­on and infrastruc­ture plans – particular­ly in the minority communitie­s that suffer most from developmen­t inequity.

The Zionist parties must act in every way to prevent the repeal of the Kaminitz Law, and work to strengthen the rule of law in general. Israel’s Planning and Constructi­on Law, including Amendment 116, was designed to create rational land-use policy that will ensure a healthy future for all citizens of Israel.

The writer is the director general of Regavim, an Israeli non-profit organizati­on dedicated to the preservati­on of Israel’s land resources.

 ?? (Wisam Hashlamoun/Flash90) ?? A BULLDOZER is used to demolish a shed in the West Bank village of Masafer in February 2020.
(Wisam Hashlamoun/Flash90) A BULLDOZER is used to demolish a shed in the West Bank village of Masafer in February 2020.

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