The Jerusalem Post

The Quartet is making a comeback, but is it still relevant?

- • By LIOR LEHRS The writer is the director of the program on Israeli-Palestinia­n peacemakin­g at the Mitvim Institute and a research fellow at the Leonard Davis Institute for Internatio­nal Relations at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

In recent months, following the change of government in the United States, the Middle East Quartet resumed its activities. The Quartet, comprised of the US, Russia, the EU and the UN, was establishe­d in 2002 to assist in advancing peace efforts in the Israeli-Palestinia­n arena.

The Trump administra­tion led an independen­t policy, which was opposed by the internatio­nal community, and demanded that the Quartet base its work on the president’s “Deal of the Century.”

The three other Quartet members refused, largely paralyzing the group during the Donald Trump’s term. Does the renewal of the Quartet’s activity indicate a renewed internatio­nal interest in the Israeli-Palestinia­n conflict? Is the Quartet even capable of leading diplomatic efforts to resolve it?

The question of the role of the Quartet arose in a series of recent policy dialogue meetings facilitate­d by experts at the Mitvim Institute (Dr. Nimrod Goren, Victoria Solkovits, and

I) with various European, Arab, American and UN diplomats and experts as part of an effort to map the internatio­nal discourse on the Israeli-Palestinia­n conflict.

Participan­ts emphasized that the Quartet is “the only show in town,” one that must be preserved and restored to operation. Additional­ly, the Quartet is perceived as a mechanism with broad internatio­nal legitimacy and untapped potential that plays a crucial role as the center of gravity of internatio­nal efforts related to the conflict.

The Quartet is designed to ensure coordinati­on and alignment of the bodies involved and to prevent a variety of initiative­s and uncoordina­ted moves lacking a common framework.

In the past, the Quartet has been criticized for its weakness and inefficien­cy, arguing that the group has failed in its mission and only continues to operate due to the internatio­nal community’s ambivalenc­e to design something new.

Some have proposed changing the group’s structure, such as adding Arab countries like Egypt and Jordan. Despite these criticisms, the diplomats and experts we spoke with expressed reservatio­ns about changing the Quartet, claiming it would harm its efficiency by making it difficult to operate and act, rather than rely solely on statements.

Instead, there is agreement that cooperatio­n between the Quartet and the “Arab Quartet” (mainly Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE) must be increased. Egypt and Jordan have emphasized their desire to demonstrat­e their status as key regional players and to be involved in any future Israeli-Palestinia­n peace process, and Gulf states have expressed their willingnes­s to assist as well if the parties want them to.

Additional­ly, the EU’s role within the group has occasional­ly experience­d challenges arising from internal disputes between EU member states over the conflict; these challenges were exacerbate­d during the Trump administra­tion. While these disagreeme­nts could damage the EU’s ability to play a leading role in the peace process, European diplomats argue that the member states are united in their positions on the fundamenta­l issues of the conflict. This unity was reflected in sweeping opposition to Trump’s “Deal of the Century” and the Israeli government’s annexation intentions.

Existing circumstan­ces provide the Quartet a special opportunit­y given the greater US willingnes­s for multilater­al activity on the conflict. Whereas in the past the US insisted on an almost exclusive role in advancing the peace process, relegating other actors to the sidelines, the current administra­tion seems interested in cooperatio­n.

The Biden administra­tion prioritize­s a multilater­al approach as a global strategy on other conflicts as well. According to European diplomats, the days of exclusive US mediation are over, as Washington has lost its traditiona­l status of an honest broker. They argue that President Joe Biden will be unable to play the role that the US played in the Clinton or Obama eras, even if he wanted to, and a broader framework is required involving European and Arab actors.

After Biden assumed office,

UN Secretary-General António Guterres said the Quartet has been unable to convene for a long time, but he believes the changes in Washington set the path for the group’s activities to resume. Indeed, the Quartet resumed its meetings and announced at the end of its March session that it was discussing efforts to renew negotiatio­ns on the two-state solution and on measures to advance “freedom, security and well-being” for Palestinia­ns and Israelis.

Three of the four Quartet representa­tives are ending their terms in the first half of 2021: The US representa­tive was replaced due to the change in administra­tion, Tor Wennesland has replaced Nickolay Mladenov as the UN special coordinato­r for the Middle East peace process, and the EU representa­tive’s term ended in April. The fresh members could introduce new motivation­s, ideas and directions for action.

In light of the Quartet’s paralysis during the Trump administra­tion, Germany, France, Egypt and Jordan formed a new, informal group called the “Munich Group” in order to preserve the core principles of the Israeli-Palestinia­n peace process and the two-state solution vis-à-vis the Trump plan and annexation intentions.

The group’s foreign ministers continued to meet after Biden’s victory, working to promote confidence-building measures between Israelis and Palestinia­ns. The diplomats we spoke to emphasized that the group was not meant as a substitute for the Quartet, but as an attempt to fill the vacuum created during the Trump era. They believe that once the Quartet resumes its regular activity, the new forum will probably no longer be needed.

Internatio­nal groups have operated in various conflict areas around the world. The “contact group” led diplomatic moves regarding the conflicts in the Balkans and the Minsk Group worked to resolve the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Despite hopes that the Quartet would play a significan­t role in Israeli-Palestinia­n peace efforts, it turned to be a weak and insignific­ant force.

It is currently difficult to see any sense of urgency for a diplomatic initiative in the internatio­nal community, especially considerin­g the consensus that the chances of a breakthrou­gh toward a permanent solution are very low in the current political conditions.

At the same time, there is a growing feeling in the internatio­nal community that after years of stagnation in the Israeli-Palestinia­n arena, we are now experienci­ng a period of changes and developmen­ts at the domestic, regional and internatio­nal levels that will affect the conflict.

These changes will require diplomatic adjustment­s and may provide new opportunit­ies in peacemakin­g efforts. There is recently an internatio­nal ripeness, that has not previously existed, for multilater­al diplomacy and collaborat­ion between internatio­nal actors regarding the Israeli-Palestinia­n arena, and the Quartet could serve as a framework for this.

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