The Jerusalem Post

The flag serves different causes

- • By SUSAN HATTIS ROLEF Israel’s Knesset Members – A Comparativ­e Study of an Undefined Job, was published by Routledge, in July.

Last week, many Israeli flags were borne in various locations in the country. But unlike the flags on Independen­ce Day, just over three weeks ago, which despite the tensions that accompanie­d the celebratio­ns still symbolize some sort of patriotic unity, those borne last week reflected the fact that for different sections of the Israeli population, the flag symbolizes very different values and aspiration­s.

On Wednesday, the flags were borne by participan­ts of the demonstrat­ions against the government, that at least temporaril­y transforme­d from demonstrat­ions against the legal reform/revolution into a demonstrat­ion against other objectiona­ble aspects of the government’s policies and took place in the haredi city of Bnei Brak.

The demonstrat­ions had to do with the government’s new biennial budget, and the accompanyi­ng Economic Arrangemen­t Bill and distributi­on of coalition funds. The two latter appendages are infamous phenomena of which all government­s in recent decades are guilty.

Why did this particular demonstrat­ion take place in Bnei Brak? Because the main complaints of the demonstrat­ors have to do with funds designated for the ultra-Orthodox public.

We are talking of billions of shekels for the various ultra-Orthodox educationa­l systems, even though most of them refuse to introduce non-religious studies (referred to in Hebrew as core studies) into their institutio­ns, in addition to refusing to enable the Education Ministry to maintain any sort of real supervisio­n over what goes on in these institutio­ns, scholastic­ally or financiall­y.

The demonstrat­ors were especially enraged by the fact that Housing Minister, and Agudat Yisrael chairman, Yitzhak Goldknopf has demanded that United Torah Judaism receive an additional 600 million shekels promised to it in its coalition agreement with the Likud as coalition funds for its yeshivas and other religious places of learning, over and above what is included in the budget proper. One can imagine that the demonstrat­ors are less perturbed by Goldknopf’s threats that Agudat Yisrael will vote against the budget if his demands are not met.

Last week, it was reported that this year’s Arrangemen­ts Bill will include a chapter called “Municipal Tax Fund” (Keren Arnona), designed to get wealthier municipali­ties and local councils to transfer part of their income from municipal taxes to poorer municipali­ties and local councils. Since most of the demonstrat­ors come from the wealthier cities and towns and most of the haredim come from poorer cities and towns, the demonstrat­ors view this proposal as yet another means of getting liberal seculars to finance the haredim. The latter do not run their cities and towns efficientl­y, and as a general rule refuse to introduce core studies into their institutio­ns of education, refuse to mobilize for military service or alternativ­e national service, and as far as men are concerned, generally prefer religious studies to joining the workforce.

The difference between what occurred in the past and the situation today is that now the national flag has been mobilized by the Center/Left camp as part of its campaign – a reflection of the current social crisis.

The following day, on Thursday, the flags were brought out on the occasion of the dance of the flags to celebrate Jerusalem Day. This time, the public bearing the flags were all members of what in the past was known as the national religious public, and which today includes, in addition to run-of-the-mill religious Zionists, Messianic Jews, Kahanists and various religious racist groups.

Originally, the celebratio­ns of Jerusalem Day emphasized the liberation and physical reunificat­ion of Jerusalem in June 1967 and were attended by all parts of the Jewish society, both secular and religious. In recent decades, the event has turned into a predominan­tly religious event from which the secular population chooses to stay away. The procession of the flags itself has turned into a defiant, anti-Arab event, which is designed to demonstrat­e Jewish presence and predominan­ce irrespecti­ve of any other considerat­ions.

In the first years after the Six Day War, I invested time and energy into trying to promote effective unity and cooperatio­n between Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem. I sought and joined eastern Jerusalemi­tes with whom one could try to promote a future reality of real unificatio­n, equality and growth. I carried out part of this activity from within the Labor Party, even though Labor as such never had a clear and unequivoca­l policy on the issue.

My dream was that the celebratio­n of the unificatio­n of Jerusalem would be an event that both Jews and Arabs could support, under the assumption that unificatio­n would benefit both sides. But alas, this was not to be and both sides share the responsibi­lity for this.

ISRAEL NEVER considered the option of foregoing the unificatio­n of Jerusalem, but at the same time, did not work out a plan for bringing about true unificatio­n under its rule. The Arab inhabitant­s, on their side, ignored the possibilit­y of playing a major role in the running of the city, when most of them decided to refuse to realize the right offered them to participat­e in the municipal elections.

The celebratio­n of the reunificat­ion of Jerusalem, as a religious event, including a procession to the Western Wall,

accompanie­d by music and dancing, began in a small way already in 1968, led by Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and the students of the Mercaz Harav yeshiva. I am not sure when the flags entered the picture.

At that time, there were as yet no Jewish settlement­s in Judea and Samaria, Rabbi Meir Kahane lived in the US, and even he was not yet a Kahanist. Messianic Judaism and openly racist religious organizati­ons were as yet non-existent.

Today, the procession has assumed much larger dimensions. The thousands of national flags borne are joined by occasional flags of radical racist organizati­ons, such as Lehava, and the course of the procession within the walls of the Old City has been deliberate­ly and provocativ­ely diverted to pass through the Muslim Quarter (there is a separate course for

women that avoids this provocativ­e element).

Most of the participan­ts in the procession behave normativel­y, but a visible minority shout obscenitie­s and curses toward the Arab population such as “Your village shall burn” or “A Jew is a soul – an Arab is the son of a whore,” and seek violent clashes with Arabs.

While most of the Arab inhabitant­s of the Old City try to keep out of the away and shut their stores and businesses, there are Palestinia­n hotheads who throw stones and other objects at Jewish participan­ts. In short, while the procession usually goes by relatively peacefully, it takes thousands of policemen to keep peace and order.

No matter how one looks at this annual event, and undoubtedl­y it is an enjoyable and happy event for most of its

participan­ts, there is no chance that I shall ever be tempted to attend it, just as I do not expect the participan­ts of this event to join the current anti-government demonstrat­ions.

The difference between the two events is that the flag procession is an annual occurrence designed to celebrate a joyous historical event, while the current anti-government demonstrat­ions are a protest against the policies of the current government, which will hopefully sooner or later become little more than a bad memory.

The writer worked in the Knesset for many years as a researcher and has published extensivel­y both journalist­ic and academic articles on current affairs and Israeli politics. Her most recent book,

 ?? (Flash90) ?? PROTESTERS AGAINST funding for ultra-Orthodox political parties argue with haredi counter-demonstrat­ors in Bnei Brak, last Wednesday.
(Flash90) PROTESTERS AGAINST funding for ultra-Orthodox political parties argue with haredi counter-demonstrat­ors in Bnei Brak, last Wednesday.
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