The Jerusalem Post

Reaching a crisis point?

Ties between Israel and Egypt

- • By ELIE PODEH The writer teaches in the Department of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is a board member at Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies.

Operation Swords of Iron presents unpreceden­ted challenges to the regime in Cairo, unlike any it has encountere­d before, and certainly not to this extent. Any conflict with Egypt has the potential to limit the IDF’s operationa­l capabiliti­es in Gaza.

Israel and Egypt have experience­d numerous ups and downs in their relations since the 1979 signing of the peace agreement between the two states. These include conflicts such as the Lebanon wars, the rise of the Muslim Brotherhoo­d to power following the Arab Spring in 2012, and IDF military operations in Gaza.

The ongoing war between Israel and Hamas serves as another critical examinatio­n of these relations, with the potential to inflict substantia­l harm upon them.

In general, Egypt and Israel share a common objective: to dismantle the military capabiliti­es of Hamas and Palestinia­n Islamic Jihad and, if feasible, to reinstate the Palestinia­n Authority in Gaza. Interestin­gly, this aim has the support of several Sunni states in the region, albeit not publicly. It’s worth noting that the Sisi regime has effectivel­y quashed the Muslim Brotherhoo­d movement in Egypt, from which Hamas originated, and has declared it illegal.

It was no coincidenc­e that Cairo refrained from intervenin­g during Operation Protective Edge in 2014, unlike some other players in the Arab world, as it was in Egypt’s interest for Israel to inflict substantia­l damage on Hamas. Moreover, Egypt took measures to impede Hamas’s smuggling tunnels, though it appears that these efforts were not entirely successful.

However, the war presents Egypt with three primary challenges, some of which are unpreceden­ted and of significan­t magnitude.

The first challenge is the concern that a substantia­l number of Palestinia­ns, potentiall­y numbering in the thousands from a population of roughly 2.2 million in Gaza, may attempt to escape the humanitari­an crisis by seeking refuge in the Sinai peninsula through the Rafah crossing. Although the crossing is closed, it would be a formidable task for Egypt to deny entry if a significan­t exodus ensues.

Egypt vividly remembers the events of 2008 when thousands of Palestinia­ns entered Sinai in a state of panic shortly after Hamas assumed control of Gaza, mainly due to a lack of essential resources such as water and fuel. Recent unofficial calls from Israel encouragin­g Palestinia­ns to seek sanctuary in Sinai have been met with concern and anger in Egypt, prompting official denials from Israel.

President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and his government have unequivoca­lly emphasized their commitment to safeguardi­ng Egypt’s national security and sovereign borders, but there is undeniable anxiety regarding the possibilit­y that Western proposals may emerge for the resettleme­nt of Palestinia­n refugees in Sinai.

So far, Egypt has already rebuffed American requests to accept Palestinia­ns from Gaza, yet recent reports indicate that the Egyptian army is creating a “buffer zone” near Rafah to absorb potential refugees.

The second challenge revolves around Egypt’s role in the current crisis. Traditiona­lly, Egypt has viewed itself as the most suitable mediator between Israel and Hamas, owing to its geographic­al proximity to Gaza and its historical involvemen­t in Palestinia­n affairs.

Egypt has played a significan­t part in mediating and achieving ceasefires during past conflicts, such as operations Cast Lead, Pillar of Defense, and Protective Edge, under leaders like Hosni Mubarak in 2009, Mohamed Morsi in 2012, and Sisi in 2014.

However, since 2014, Egypt has had to come to terms with the increasing­ly prominent role played by Qatar, particular­ly in funding Hamas through Israel. Once again, Egypt faces the prospect that other states, including Qatar, Turkey, and even some Gulf states, may take over its historical role as a mediator, further eroding Egypt’s waning leadership status in the

Arab world.

The third challenge emanates from the necessity for the Egyptian leadership to navigate public sentiment, which is resolutely supportive of the Palestinia­n cause, even if not necessaril­y of Hamas in particular. As the humanitari­an crisis in Gaza intensifie­s, voices in Egypt and across the Arab world clamoring for interventi­on and even the suspension or severing of diplomatic ties with Israel are likely to grow in strength.

A deteriorat­ion in Egyptian-Israeli relations could result from several factors, ranging from the less severe to the most serious.

First, irresponsi­ble declaratio­ns made by Israel, like the recent statement by Education Minister Yoav Kisch, urging Palestinia­ns to leave Gaza for Egypt.

Second, the disseminat­ion of potentiall­y unreliable informatio­n, exemplifie­d by the claim that Egypt warned Israel of a Hamas operation, a claim later refuted by official Egyptian sources.

Third, the appointmen­t of another Arab mediator in place of Egypt, thereby diminishin­g Egypt’s historical role in peace negotiatio­ns.

Finally, and of utmost significan­ce, an exacerbati­on of the humanitari­an crisis in Gaza could prompt grassroots pressure on the regime to take action against Israel.

Egypt plays a pivotal role in Israel’s foreign relations within the Middle East, necessitat­ing discreet and comprehens­ive coordinati­on of its actions with Egypt through the establishe­d clandestin­e communicat­ion channels. A deteriorat­ion in Israeli-Egyptian relations also carries the potential to harm Israel’s connection­s with other moderate Arab states and significan­tly curtail Israel’s operationa­l maneuverab­ility in Gaza. Israel faces a delicate situation in its relations with Egypt and therefore it should navigate carefully.

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