The Japan News by The Yomiuri Shimbun

Women candidates advance beyond ‘token’ status in Japanese politics

- YUKO MUKAI Mukai is a staff writer in the Political News Department of The Yomiuri Shimbun.

Women who are in the minority of a group are o en treated as tokens. Harvard University Prof. Rosabeth Moss Kanter, who specialize­s in strategy, innovation and leadership for change, analyzed corporate organizati­on culture in her seminal 1977 book, “Men and Women of the Corporatio­n.” According to Kanter, when women are treated as tokens, they are not regarded as individual­s but as symbolic representa­tives of all women. While Japanese women politician­s are increasing in number, they may still be seen as tokens, by this de nition, in the national Diet. But there were positive signs of progress in the recent House of Councillor­s election.

In Japan’s July 10 election, a record 35 women were elected to seats in the upper house, surpassing the previous high of 28 in 2019. Female candidates won 28% of the 125 races. However, the percentage of women in the House of Representa­tives — Japan’s lower house — is less than 10%. Overall, women account for only 15.4% of all Diet members.

ere were other positive signs in this House of Councillor­s election. Of the 545 candidates who ran, 181 were women, accounting for 33.2%. is is the rst time in Japan’s political history that the percentage of female candidates exceeded 30% in a nationwide election. is is widely recognized as a signi cant breakthrou­gh by the public since the July 10 election was the third nationwide election since the passage in 2018 of the Law on Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field. e law calls for political parties to make e orts to ensure that the numbers of female and male candidates they eld are as close to even as possible.

e opposition parties led the way in terms of elding women candidates.

e Constituti­onal Democratic Party of Japan elded 26 female candidates, one more than its 25 male candidates.

e Japanese Communist Party elded 32 women, accounting for 55.2% of all its candidates. In the Democratic Party for the People, women accounted for 40.9% of candidates. For Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Innovation Party), which appeals to conservati­ve voters, the gure was 30.4%. Although the opposition parties arguably have more exibility in choosing their candidates than the ruling parties, which have larger numbers of male incumbents, these opposition e orts to eld more female candidates should not be discounted but merit objective evaluation.

e ruling parties have shown signs that they too are making e orts toward gender balance in politics, albeit with some restrictio­ns. Both the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito increased their percentage of female candidates in this upper house election compared to the previous upper house election in 2019. In this election, the

LDP elded 19 women candidates out of a total of 82, representi­ng 23.2%, while 20.8% of candidates elded by Komeito were women. e increase may be due not only to the existence of the law on gender equality, but also to the fact that people, especially the younger generation, are becoming more conscious of political parties’ attitudes toward gender equality.

Despite the progress, the state of gender equality in Japanese politics still lags behind internatio­nal standards by several metrics. According to the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2022, Japan ranked 116th out of 146 countries.

e ranking is based on a country-by-country index of the degree of gender equality in four areas: politics, economy, education and health. In this year’s ranking, while Japan ranked

rst in terms of educationa­l opportunit­ies and 63rd in health among all the countries, it ranked 139th in politics and 121st in economy. Clearly, Japan’s lagging advancemen­t of women in the political and economic space has pulled the country down in the rankings.

Japan’s overall ranking has been falling almost consistent­ly since the rst ranking was released in 2006, when Japan placed 80th. Re ective of this decline in its internatio­nal rank, the current Cabinet of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has only two female ministers, fewer than the number of women ministers in then Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Cabinet in 2006.

ere were at least a couple of elections in the past in which surges of women ran for political o ce and attracted a great deal of national attention. For instance, a phenomenon dubbed the “Madonna boom” led to 146 women

running in the upper house election in 1989 — the second highest recorded number of women candidates in an upper house election. is was triggered by the huge popularity of Takako Doi, the female leader of the now-defunct Japan Socialist Party. en in the lower house election of 2009, Ichiro Ozawa of the also now-defunct Democratic Party of Japan coached many female candidates to run in the election and helped them win. ese female politician­s were disparagin­gly dubbed “Ozawa girls.”

Rather than being treated as individual­s, these candidates were reduced to either saviors or naifs — “Madonnas” or “Girls” — judged only for the fact that they were women. is is the true essence of being “tokens.”

Although a large number of women were elected to the upper house in this year’s election, none were given depersonal­izing nicknames like “Ozawa girls.” is is partly because there were no overarchin­g similariti­es among the women who ran and won in the election. e media simply reported the results in a matter-of-fact manner. is should be taken as a sign of progress in Japanese society.

Notably, Kanter argues that when a minority group makes up about 35% of the total group, it can in uence the whole, and as a result shape the nature of the organizati­on. e percentage of female candidates overall in the latest election was 33.2%, which is very close to 35%. If, as Kanter said, women who reach a certain percentage have the power to change their organizati­ons — even if it is only the upper house — there is a good chance that Japan’s political culture, still elding more male candidates than female ones, can nally start changing as well. (Aug. 6)

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 ?? Yomiuri Shimbun file photo ?? The now-defunct Japan Socialist Party led by Takako Doi, center, caused the “Madonna boom” in the upper house election in July 1989.
Yomiuri Shimbun file photo The now-defunct Japan Socialist Party led by Takako Doi, center, caused the “Madonna boom” in the upper house election in July 1989.

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