Death of China’s conscience
중국의양심은죽었다
The death of Chinese dissident and Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo in the government’s custody should force the world to confront what this industrial behemoth under control of a single party is all about. It is a brutal regime that pays little attention to human rights and cannot be trusted as a world leader.
중국의반체제인사이며노벨평화상수상자인류샤오보가 사망했다. 류의죽음은일당독재 하에서 경제 괴물로 성장한 중국이 인권은 깡그리 무시하는 잔혹 국가라는 부인할수없는반증이며따라서세계를이끌선도국가로서자격이없다는것을보여주었다. So far the world has looked away for fear of retaliation. 각국들은이번죽음에대해중국의눈치를보며말을아끼고있다.
In 2010 the Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the prize to the imprisoned Liu and conducted an award ceremony with his seat vacant because Beijing did not let him attend.
2010년 노르웨이한림원이류를노벨상수상자로발표했지만중국정부가그의수상식참석을불허하는바람에그의자리를비워둔채행사를진행해야했다. In return, then-Chinese leader Hu Jintao slapped a virtual ban on salmon imports from the Scandinavian country. 당시후진타오주석은노르웨이산연어수입을사실상금지하는보복조치를취했다.
The Korean government was silent about its biggest trading partner’s behavior, despite President Moon Jae-in being a former human rights lawyer and Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha previously leading the United Nations’ related organization.
한국 정부도 최대무역 상대국인 중국에 대해 함구하고 있다. 문재인 대통령이 인권변호사출신이며강경화 외교장관이유엔에서인권관련중책을 맡았었다는점을고려하면이런소극적인반응에대한아쉬움이클수밖에없다. China’s foreign ministry was adamant about refusing to grant Liu’s request to seek overseas treatment for his late-stage liver cancer. 중국외교부는간암말기인류가외국에나가치료받겠다는요청을묵살했다. China said Liu was a Chinese national and how he was treated was an internal affair and not other countries’ business. 중국정부는류가중국인으로그가어떤치료를받는것은중국내부의일이며다른나라들이왈가왈부할사항은아니라고주장했다. But Beijing is wrong and Liu’s maltreatment is in every way the world’s business. 그러나이런중국의주장은옳지않으며중국의류에대한 비인간적인 대우에대해눈을감아서는안 된다. First, China has become the world’s second-biggest economy and is still growing. 우선중국은세계제2위의경제강국이되었고성장일로를달리고있다. So is its global reach and influence. 세계적영향력도일취월장했다.
Therefore, Beijing’s shabby practices such as human rights abuses, if unchecked and unpunished, could encourage other potential and current abusers to follow suit. The result would be a major deterioration of rights guaranteed to people in the free world.
따라서중국의인권침해등잘못된행위에대해모른척하고책임을따지지 않는다면다른인권불량국가에이런잘못된예를따라도된다는메시지를보낼 것이며, 이는국제적인인권보호노력에악영향을줄것이다. Second, the greater fear is that China may take the world’s silence as being tacit approval for bullying its neighbors into submitting to its will and doing whatever it can to punish any detractors. 또한중국이국제사회의조심스런반응을 주변국가를 윽박지르고 반대자를탄압해도묵인할것이라는잘못된신호로받아들일위험이높다. Third, Beijing has shown its fears that opening up would encourage its people to demand the same rights as people in other countries enjoy.
마지막으로 중국 지도부가 개방하면 보편적 권리에 대한 중국인들의 요구가 봇물처럼터질것이라는두려움을갖고있음을보여주었다.류는이런중국의두려움을대변하는인물이다.
That is what Liu stands for ― coming back from the U.S. to lead the 1989 Tiananmen protests to stay on despite the certain prospect of persecution.
1989년 천안문사태가일어나자자신이머물고있던미국을떠나박해받을것이확실한데도중국행을선택했고끝까지남아인권을위한투쟁을멈추지않았다. Just as it was 27 years ago, Beijing ― now under Xi Jinping ― is still fearful.지금시주석하의중국도 27년 전천안문사태당시와마찬가지로개방에대한두려움을갖고있는것이틀림없다. The world should never stop reminding Xi about this. If Xi continues to ignore basic human rights, he risks Liu’s death turning into one of the first cracks that may bring down the big dam called China. 중국이계속인권을무시한다면류의죽음이거대한댐과같은중국을붕괴시키는균열과같은역할을할것이다. 우리는이런가능성을중국에계속상기시켜인권탄압을중단하도록만들어야한다.